Introduction

Author(s):  
Vineeta Yadav

Many people believe that if religious parties come to power, they will inevitably proceed to curb the civil liberties of their citizens in order to realize their religious vision, particularly in Muslim-majority countries. Academic research on religious parties, on the other hand, claims that the need to compete in elections always incentivizes religious parties to moderate their behaviors and policies, including those on civil liberties. Neither of these assertions has been systematically tested across all Muslim countries. This book is the first to adjudicate this debate based on systematic data covering all Muslim-majority countries for a period of almost forty years. It highlights the role that religious lobbies play on this issue and identifies the specific conditions under which religious parties do moderate their religious positions and don’t curb civil liberties, and the conditions under which they do so.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Cliff Kohardinata ◽  
Clarissa Rachmadella Roshidawati ◽  
Helena Sidharta

This study aims to analyse the priority of gold reserves compared to other reserves between non-Muslim countries with Muslim-majority countries, considering that Muslim scholars often put forward studies on gold or gold reserves, and even become a discourse on using gold as a transactional tool. The research methodology used in this study is a quantitative approach using secondary data. The results of this study indicated that non-Muslim majority countries more considering to use gold based on a reserve motive or precautionary motive for preventing risk. On the other hand, the precautionary motive has no  effect on the decision of Muslim majority countries to prioritize gold as a reserve over other reserves.


Imbizo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Epongse Nkealah ◽  
Olutoba Gboyega Oluwasuji

Ideas of nationalisms as masculine projects dominate literary texts by African male writers. The texts mirror the ways in which gender differentiation sanctions nationalist discourses and in turn how nationalist discourses reinforce gender hierarchies. This article draws on theoretical insights from the work of Anne McClintock and Elleke Boehmer to analyse two plays: Zintgraff and the Battle of Mankon by Bole Butake and Gilbert Doho and Hard Choice by Sunnie Ododo. The article argues that women are represented in these two plays as having an ambiguous relationship to nationalism. On the one hand, women are seen actively changing the face of politics in their societies, but on the other hand, the means by which they do so reduces them to stereotypes of their gender.


Author(s):  
Hugh H. Benson
Keyword(s):  
The One ◽  

This chapter presents a reading of Plato’s Euthyphro, Apology, and Crito. These dialogues, in which Plato depicts the weeks leading up to Socrates’s last day, are replete with various philosophical explorations. Among those explorations is the question of how to live our lives. On the one hand, Socrates is clear and straightforward. We should live the examined life—making logoi and examining ourselves and others in order to determine whether we are as wise as we think we are, and we should live the virtuous life. This is how Socrates lives his life. On the other hand, the examined life undercuts, or at least should undercut, the confidence with which he seeks to live the virtuous life. It may help bring some stability to the general principles by which he lives his life, but it can do so only defeasibly and without certainty.


Balcanica ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 173-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milan Protic

Subject to transformation and change as any other political ideology Serbian Radicalism nevertheless revolved round some more or less permanent concepts, the most important being constitutionalism, parliamentary democracy, civil liberties and local self-government. Yet another basic aspect of the Radical Party's ideology, its national programme, may be seen as an external ingredient inasmuch as the national emancipation, liberation and unification of the Serbs were viewed as originating from internal freedom. It was only in the 1890s that their national programme became fully developed. Major features of the Party's political practice, on the other hand, were flexibility, pragmatism and cohesion.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-288
Author(s):  
Stefan Keine ◽  
Trupti Nisar ◽  
Rajesh Bhatt

We describe and analyze the previously undocumented verbal agreement system of Kutchi (Indo-Aryan). We argue that Kutchi instantiates a novel type of split ergativity. First, it exhibits an aspect split in that agreement in non-perfective clauses behaves on a par with agreement in intransitive perfective clauses, in stark contrast to transitive perfective clauses. A striking property of Kutchi is that these asymmetries manifest themselves in the richness of agreement. In the former configurations, the verb agrees with the subject for person, number and gender. In the latter, on the other hand, agreement is systematically defective and reliable fails to cross-references certain φ-features. In addition to this aspect split, Kutchi displays a person split: While the verb normally agrees with the subject, it surprisingly fails to do so in transitive perfective clauses with a 1st person subject. Instead, it is the object that triggers agreement in these configurations, likewise in a defective manner. We will argue that these agreement asymmetries are syntactic in nature rather than morphological. Our analysis builds on, and extends, previous work by Laka (2006) and Coon (2010).


Author(s):  
Vineeta Yadav

This chapter presents statistical results from models testing support for Hypothesis 2 and its corollaries. The results show strong and robust support for the second part of the theoretical argument that the presence of religious parties in government leads to a decline in civil liberties only when religious organizations in that country are highly socioeconomically institutionalized. In the absence of highly institutionalized religious organizations, ceteris paribus, religious parties in government are able to moderate their positions on civil liberties with the result that civil liberties do not experience a significant decline in line with a religious agenda. The analysis accounts for various confounding factors, and the potential endogeneity of more moderate regime type to various factors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 311-331
Author(s):  
Suwei Wu ◽  
Alan Cienki

AbstractAn increasing number of studies are being devoted to the investigation of what aspects of grammar, and of events, expressed in speech are coordinated with gesture. However, previous studies have focused on gesture use in relation to either transitivity or event properties, without considering how these factors interact. In this study, we consider how gesture use relates to transitivity when the type of event in the causativeinchoative alternation is considered, and also how gesture use relates to properties of the events when the type of transitivity is considered. We found various relations both between gesture use and transitivity on the one hand, and between gesture use and certain properties of events on the other hand. Whereas some of the results contrast with the findings in previous studies about the relation between gesture and transitivity, other results obtained actually reinforce and complement some previous findings. The results concerning event properties and gesture also add to previous studies about which properties of certain motor-spatial events relate to gesture and how they do so. The study thus provides a more nuanced understanding of the relation between gesture and language.


1996 ◽  
Vol 05 (02) ◽  
pp. 173-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
GREG KUPERBERG

We discuss the consequences of the possibility that Vassiliev invariants do not detect knot invertibility as well as the fact that quantum Lie group invariants are known not to do so. On the other hand, finite group invariants, such as the set of homomorphisms from the knot group to M11, can detect knot invertibility. For many natural classes of knot invariants, including Vassiliev invariants and quantum Lie group invariants, we can conclude that the invariants either distinguish all oriented knots, or there exist prime, unoriented knots which they do not distinguish.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-147
Author(s):  
Hyalle Abreu Viana ◽  
Ana Raquel Rosas Torres ◽  
José Luis Álvaro Estriamana

This article aimed to analyze the stereotypes attributed to "egalitarian men", understood here as men who support gender equality in relation to domestic and family responsibilities as well as inclusion in the workforce. To do so, two studies were carried out. The first study investigated the attribution of stereotypes to egalitarian men through a single open question. A total of 250 university students participated in this study, of which 51.1% were male, and their average age was 21.5 years (SD = 4.39). The second study analyzed the attribution of stereotypes to egalitarian or traditional men and women in a work context considered masculine. Participants included 221 university students with a mean age of 21.9 years (SD = 4.19), the majority (54.3%) being male. Taken together, the results of the two studies indicate that the egalitarian man is perceived as fragile and possibly homosexual. On the other hand, he is also seen as being more competent than traditional men.


Horizontes ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Evanilson Tavares de França ◽  
Maria Batista Lima

ResumoA compreensão de quilombo como território de resistência e preservação da cultura de base africana perpassa os discursos de pesquisadores diversos, como Almeida, O’Dwyer e Arruti, inserindo-se nas análises deste último as ressemantizações sofridas pelo termo e os determinantes históricos que as trouxeram à luz. A ressemantização, ainda segundo Arruti, que interpreta quilombo como território de resistência, vai compor as bandeiras do Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU). Por outro lado, o entendimento de currículo como relação de poder e como instrumento/estratégia capaz de interferir na formação do outro revela o quanto este instituto pedagógico é capaz de inserir/excluir, empoderar/fragilizar, desvelar/camuflar. É neste cenário de entendimentos que se insereeste artigo, objetivando pensar/propor saberes capazes de fomentar a Educação Escolar Quilombola nosterritórios dos remanescentes quilombos e nas unidades de ensino que atendem a estudantes originários/as daquelas comunidades. Para tanto, construímos diálogos com as legislações (vigentes) e com teóricos que abordam a temática. Palavras-chave: quilombo; currículo; educação escolar quilombola. Reflections on quilombola school education: elements for teaching practice AbstractThe understanding of a quilombo as a resistance territory and african culture preservation territory permeates the words of several researchers, such as Almeida, O’Dwyer and Arruti, being inserted in the last author’s analysis the changes in meaning suffered by the expression and the historical determinants which brought those to light. – It’s precisely the change in meaning, still according to Arruti, who interprets a quilombo as a space/time of resistance that will compose the flags of the United Black Movement (UBM). On the other hand, the understanding of curriculum as a power relation and as a tool/strategy capable of interfering in the formation of other emphasizes how much this pedagogic institute is able to insert/exclude, empower/weaken, revealing/hiding. It is in such a scenario of thoughts and understandings that this article is inserted, aiming to think/propose knowledges capable of promoting Quilombola School Education in the territories of the remaining quilombos and at the educational units that assist students originated/from that community. To do so, we have established dialogues with legislations (in effect) and also with theorists who do research on the topic.Keywords: quilombo; curriculum; quilombola school education.


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