Fearful Asymmetry

2021 ◽  
pp. 72-96
Author(s):  
Anna Sun

The definition of spirituality shifts perpetually across time and place, but there is a pattern at work. The definition of “spirituality” is always in relation to the definition of “religion” in a given society. In the United States and Western Europe, spirituality has been defined by what is left out of it, by which we mean diverse beliefs and varied everyday practices outside of—or on the margins of—existing religious institutional norms. While both are distinct from secularism, spirituality is the “other” to the “norm” of religion. In contemporary China, however, a different dynamic is at work. The dominant form of religious life emphasizes diverse beliefs and everyday ritual activities that are rooted in multiple religious traditions. This means that we require new ways of thinking about spiritual life in the Chinese context and other societies, such as those in Africa, with similar polytheistic patterns of practice.

Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

To Return To The Bulk of our material in this book, what absolute differences separate the United States from Europe? The United States is a nation where proportionately more people are murdered each year, more are jailed, and more own guns than anywhere in Europe. The death penalty is still law. Religious belief is more fervent and widespread. A smaller percentage of citizens vote. Collective bargaining covers relatively fewer workers, and the state’s tax take is lower. Inequality is somewhat more pronounced. That is about it. In almost every other respect, differences are ones of degree, rather than kind. Oft en, they do not exist, or if they do, no more so than the same disparities hold true within Western Europe itself. At the very least, this suggests that farreaching claims to radical differences across the Atlantic have been overstated. Even on violence—a salient difference that leaps unprompted from the evidence, both statistical and anecdotal—the contrast depends on how it is framed. Without question, murder rates are dramatically different across the Atlantic. And, of course, murder is the most shocking form of sudden, unexpected death, unsettling communities, leaving survivors bereaved and mourning. But consider a wider definition of unanticipated, immediate, and profoundly disrupting death. Suicide is oft en thought of as the exit option for old, sick men anticipating the inevitable, and therefore not something that changes the world around them. But, in fact, the distribution of suicide over the lifespan is broadly uniform. In Iceland, Ireland, the UK, and the United States, more young men (below forty-five) than old do themselves in. In Finland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway, the figures are almost equal. Elsewhere, the older have a slight edge. But overall, the ratio between young and old suicides approximates 1:1. Broadly speaking, and sticking with the sex that most oft en kills itself, men do away with themselves as oft en when they are younger and possibly still husbands, fathers, and sons as they do when they are older and when their actions are perhaps fraught with less consequence for others. Suicide is as unsettling, and oft en even more so, for survivors as murder.


Author(s):  
Robert Jackson ◽  
Georg Sørensen

This chapter examines three important debates in International Political Economy (IPE). The first debate concerns power and the relationship between politics and economics, and more specifically whether politics is in charge of economics or whether it is the other way around. The second debate deals with development and underdevelopment in developing countries. The third debate is about the nature and extent of economic globalization, and currently takes places in a context of increasing inequality between and inside countries. This debate is also informed by the serious financial crisis of 2008 and has raised questions regarding the viability of the current model of capitalism in the United States and Western Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-345
Author(s):  
David J Stute

Abstract Since the 1948 enactment of 28 USC § 1782 in the United States, no consensus has emerged as to the availability of federal court discovery to parties in private foreign or international arbitral proceedings. This year, within months of one another, six federal courts have issued rulings that are widely inconsistent on the availability of section 1782 discovery. The courts have ruled that a proceeding before a private international arbitral tribunal is eligible for section 1782 discovery; that, categorically, no such discovery is available; that the definition of private arbitral tribunal applies to CIETAC; and that discovery is available by virtue of a party’s parallel pursuit of discovery through foreign civil proceedings. As these cases demonstrate, recent US court decisions have brought no predictability, let alone certainty, to the subject. Congress, on the other hand, could and should amend the statute so as to include private tribunals in the scope of section 1782. This article discusses the case law’s state of disarray; proposes a legislative solution; considers the proposed amendment’s merits; and advocates for Congress to act.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-80
Author(s):  
Aishwarya Vatsa

We have been gifted with senses other than our eyes, which the non-conventional trademarks aim to employ and have thus gained popularity. These marks have gradually acquired acceptance and have been included under the ambit of trademarks in various countries of the world. Trademark law aims at facilitating profit and strengthening the identity of a business. Non-conventional marks too, perform the same function. The United States has taken a similar approach and has thus provided protection to various such non-conventional marks. India, on the other hand, is yet to take a similar approach. The present law in India disallows the registration of such marks, proving to be a hindrance in their registration, rather than a facilitator. This paper discusses the concept and definition of non-conventional marks, its subject matter and the prerequisites for its registration. By comparing the different approaches to non-conventional trademarks and the procedure for their registration across different countries, this paper aims at suggesting a model suitable for adoption in India.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 854-855
Author(s):  
Myron E. Wegman

Dr. Thomas is, of course, quite correct in noting that various reporting countries use different definitions of live births, a problem which does complicate the matter of precise comparisons. On the other hand, the report from which Dr. Thomas quotes, International Comparison of Perinatal and Infant Mortality, goes on to analyze several instances in which quantitative data on definitions are available. The major problem, of course, has to do with definition of a live birth; for example, the Swedish definition of a live birth was not the same as that in the United States until 1959.


1983 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. Jolowicz

If an English lawyer looks at modern American literature on civil procedure, his first reaction tends to be one of incredulity or incomprehension; the literature deals with subjects of which he has never heard and seeks solutions to questions he has never thought of asking. After some reflection, however, it probably dawns on him that American scholars are writing against a background of assumptions about the process of litigation which he does not share and that those assumptions stem from developments which have occurred in the United States but which have not yet occurred in England or, for that matter, in the other countries of Western Europe. No one in England could write an article such as I received recently from the United States on “Conflict and Dissent in Class Actions” for the simple reason that the class action as it exists in the United States has not yet developed on our side of the Atlantic. Nevertheless, it is now clear that new demands are being made in Europe on the process of litigation, demands which may in time lead to developments such as have already occurred in the United States, and it is these demands which lead to the dilemmas to which my title refers. I want, therefore, to draw attention to two such demands—both very broadly stated—and to the dilemmas they produce, limiting myself mainly to England but with occasional glances elsewhere. This is not a lecture on American law, but it could perhaps be described as one on “pre-American” law.


1969 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 24-39

There was another substantial rise in output in industrial countries between the second and third quarters. But during the third quarter the deceleration of economic growth in the United States became more marked and showed signs of spreading to Canada and Western Europe. Developments have been broadly consistent with our August forecast and we still expect the aggregate national output of the industrial countries to be higher by about 4½ per cent in 1969 than it was in 1968 and to rise by another 3-4 per cent in 1970. It now looks as though we were rather too optimistic about prospects in the United States, where the increase is unlikely to exceed 3 per cent this year and may not reach 2 per cent in 1970. On the other hand growth in Western Europe is still tending to surpass expectations. Despite the Italian strikes it will probably be over 5½ per cent this year; and it may exceed 4½ per cent in 1970.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 753-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Wolfers

From the time of the Marshall Plan to the present, American policy toward Europe has been guided simultaneously by two aspirations. One has been to see western Europe unified, the other—stemming from the conviction that the fate of the United States is inextricably tied to that of Europe—has been to create strong bonds among the Atlantic nations. Until quite recently it was believed that these two aspirations stood in a kind of predetermined harmony to each other: the more tightly the European nations would band together, gaining strength and prosperity from their union, the better it would be for all members of the Atlantic Community; and the more intimately Europe was linked with the United States, the more Europe, as a unit, would stand to gain.


2018 ◽  
pp. 120-151
Author(s):  
Peter Charles Hoffer ◽  
Williamjames Hull Hoffer

Even if the Declaration were a legal document announcing the independence of the United States, according to revolutionary constitutional theory no independent state could exist without fundamental law, in this case a constitution of some sort that was ratified by the people. The Revolutionaries agreed that constitutions must precede and empower governments, or the fundamental rule of consent of the governed could not be followed. Congress did not have such a foundation. The last paragraph of the Declaration thus served as a miniature prototype constitution until such time as a more substantial document could be prepared and ratified. The powers that the Declaration gave to the United States, to wage and conclude wars, regulate commerce, and all the other powers that independent states “may of right do” were the very definition of sovereignty. As it happened, they were the most valid factual claims the Declaration made, for Congress were already doing all of them.


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