Death of the King

2021 ◽  
pp. 361-368
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

King George, who had stayed in Salonika as a symbol of Greek sovereignty, was assassinated there in early March 1913. He deserved the eloquent tribute Venizelos gave him in parliament. His son Constantine, who became king, was a more difficult customer. The main persisting difficulty facing the Greek government and military authorities was over Bulgaria, where Venizelos's policy was regarded by colleagues (Streit and Skouloudis) as too conciliatory. However, on the question of sovereignty Venizelos was firm, while continuing to persuade the new Bulgarian prime minister Danev to his point of view, which was that if no agreement was possible there should be recourse to arbitration or mediation by friendly countries. Meanwhile a blockage of the London negotiations was resolved by Grey, ambassador Elliot and Venizelos, and the London treaty was signed in May. The Bulgarian issue threatened war in early summer, prompting Greece to conclude a defensive treaty with Serbia in May/June, following a dispute between Venizelos and the King as to the extent of Greece's commitments under it (specifically, whether in the event of war between Austria and Serbia Greece would be obliged to help the latter). This issue was to return during the Great War.

Author(s):  
Thomas Grillot

This chapter looks at these interracial interactions from the point of view of Indians in an effort at writing a historical anthropology of Indian patriotism. At the core of Indians' military participation and commemoration of the Great War, the practice of giving, to non-Indians or to Indians, to outsiders or to insiders, to family members or to complete strangers, structured the expression of patriotism in Indian communities. Examining Memorial and Armistice Days, in particular, this chapter looks at the role these holidays played in allowing Indians to maintain boundaries with their white neighbors and develop a series of adaptations of patriotic symbols and ceremonies that acclimatized patriotism for reservation life on an unprecedented scale.


Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 173-215
Author(s):  
Dragan Bakic

This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Mata Boskovic, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav) question - a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was Serbia?s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav ?migr?s from Austria-Hungary in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbic, were leading figures. In stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Boskovic was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav unification. He suspected the Croat ?migr?s, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British ?friends of Serbia?, the most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham Steed, with the Croat ?migr?s. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav unification, Boskovic preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of and reaction to Boskovic?s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pasic, clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pasic did not vacillate between the ?small? and the ?large programme?, between Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.


1932 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Dennison

In the early days of factory management, when the problems and conditions were relatively simple, it fell to the lot of all sorts of human folk to manage the various jobs involved. Each used his own peculiar method and, naturally enough, it came into general belief that ability in management was an instinctive knack, that managers were born, not made, that few if any rules could be laid down, and that little could be learned by one from another. Even in the earliest days, a small handful of men called attention to the fact that management measures and forms of organization could be better or worse adapted to their uses; but for generations the suggestion passed unheeded.As the problems and conditions of factory management grew more complex and exacting, more men came to believe that the art of management was something more than an intuitive and highly personal knack. Before the Great War, a fair nucleus was beginning to study the art from the point of view of the forces involved, and with an eye to causes and effects. And the war experience of manufacturing strange materials, shifting conditions upside down, built up this nucleus into a very fair working minority.


2021 ◽  
pp. 60-87
Author(s):  
Ron J. Popenhagen

In ‘Marionettes Unmasked’, King Ubu is analysed as a masquerade and architectural construction. Jarry’s oversized body mask is distinguished from the art of the puppet and from Edward Gordon Craig’s Übermarionette. The masquerading actor in movement is situated and theorised, with consideration of Heinrich von Kleist’s commentary, and analyses from Schumacher, States and Taxidou. The chapter also includes thoughts on the performances of Isadora Duncan, Mary Wigman and Sadda Yakko. Head and body masks created by Marcel Janco and Rudolf Laban and presented at the Cabaret Voltaire in Zürich or at the Monte Verità in Ascona, Switzerland contribute to the discussion on disguise and camouflage in the era of Dada and Cubism. Masquerading and ‘Pirouettes on Eastern Fronts’ extend modernist responses to the Great War to Germany, Romania and Russia while citing the work of sculptors and other visual artists like Ernst Barlach, Constantin Brancuşi, Emmy Hennings and Käthe Kollwitz. Commedia dell’arte treatments in ‘Pierrot and Harlequin Disguised’ feature Picasso images and others created by Heinrick Campendonk, André Derain, Juan Gris and August Macke. Arnold Schönberg’s texts, images and music further complicate the role of Pierrot from Viennese point of view.


1996 ◽  
Vol 30 (117) ◽  
pp. 66-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Gailey

For Ulster Protestants, riven by division since the fall of Terence O’Neill as prime minister of Northern Ireland in 1969, the recent troubles have seen their future steadily being conceded by default. Where there was certainty, there is now confusion; where there was once leadership, there are now only leaders. Not surprisingly, there have been wistful glances back to the mythical heroes of the past, in particular to Sir Edward Carson, who had steered them through the home rule crisis of 1912–14 to the promised land of Northern Ireland. Carson not only mobilised all Ulster Protestants, but also organised a largely successful rebellion and in time squared the circle to become one of the few rebels in English history to go on to be a law lord. Moreover, he was also a British leader, being four times in office, twice in the cabinet, and for twenty years one of the dominating figures in Tory politics. It is this duality that made Carson’s position exceptional in Anglo-Irish relations and contributed to the immense authority he periodically enjoyed. Indeed, in Ulster before the Great War his sway assumed near-charismatic proportions. Viewed as a case study in leadership, therefore, his career was, in terms of British politics, unique.


Author(s):  
Jaime Francisco Jiménez Fernández

The telling of the Great War (1914-1918), mainly through the point of view of combatants, is one of the best scenarios exemplifying how women have been obviated and censored throughout history. Moreover, the engagement of pacifist women in the conflict has been doubly belittled due to a misinterpretation of the term ‘pacifism’. Consequently, this paper aims at re-examining the origins and values of pacifism from a western perspective and giving visibility to pacifists Jane Addams, Mabel St Clair Stobart and Rose Macaulay and their efforts during the event.


Balcanica ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 143-190
Author(s):  
Slobodan Markovich

Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.


Author(s):  
Mary S. Barton

Paris was quiet on February 19, 1919. Abuzz for a month as the peacemakers bickered, cajoled, and negotiated the peace treaties that formally ended the Great War, the city finally rested as U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George took a brief leave to return home, leaving behind Georges Clemenceau, the French prime minister known to all as “the Tiger.”...


2022 ◽  
Vol 124 ◽  
pp. 35-70
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Julia Leinwand

In 1919–20, a war took place between two states that had emerged at the end of the Great War: Soviet Russia and the reborn Republic of Poland. It was a clash of widely different legal, political, and ideological systems. The conflict took place not only on the military and diplomatic planes but also within propaganda. Upon taking power in Russia, the Bolsheviks, in their official speeches, presented themselves to the world as the defenders of peace and the sovereignty of all nations; the imperial aspirations of Soviet Russia were hidden under the slogans of a world revolution that would liberate oppressed peoples. The military and ideological conquest began with a concentrated focus on neighbouring countries, including Poland. At the same time, a suggestive propaganda message was sent to the West, setting out the course of events from Moscow’s point of view.


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