Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 387-394
Author(s):  
Azmi Bishara
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
The Voice

The book concludes by putting forward equal democratic citizenship as the solution to political sectarianism. Political sectarianism is not the product of democracy but of dictatorships’ failure to build states based on citizenship. A democratic transition following a revolution or a foreign led regime change, where no democratic culture exists among the political elites, is fertile ground for those who set themselves up as the voice of repressed social structures.

scholarly journals DEMOKRASI DAN TRANSPARANSI DALAM PEMILU 2004

Populasi ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
M. Syahbudin Latief
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The People ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Working Together ◽  
The Village ◽  
The Voice

This paper is about the process of election during democracy periode in Indonesia. The problem that usually accured during the election was the involvement of the elites in the process of election. Some elites, both from the political parties and from the village, usually interfering the process. The case in Gampeng shows that all elements have been working together in successing the process of election. Reflecting from the election process in Gampeng, the transition process towards more democratic government in Indonesia could be happen inpeace and harmony if there was honesty inside the political elites. They should more appreciate the voice from the people they were represented, instead of fighting for their own needs.

Conservative Democratization

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
WooJin Kang
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Thirtieth Anniversary ◽  
Political Forces

South Korea celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of democratization in 2017. Over the thirty years since democratization in 1987, Korea has successfully institutionalized democracy. The last thirty years of democracy in Korea, however, have a dual aspect. The fierce resistance of students and civil society triggered the democratization process in 1987. However, the political pact between the political elites institutionalized the democratic transition. The 1987 system created through the political pact between political elites with the exclusion of civil society’s influence functioned as a political cartel and a high barrier to new political forces. One of the significant consequences of this cartel system has been the underrepresentation of political minorities such as youth and non-regular workers. Democracy does not mean elite rotation. The democratization of democracy must begin for Korean democracy, which started a new cycle after the 2016–2017 Candlelight Uprising, to become a responsive system that reflects many citizens’ preferences.

Opportunities for Mobilization

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Inclán
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Protest Activity ◽  
Relative Vulnerability

This chapter analyzes the development of the Zapatista cycle of protests from 1994 to 2003 in relation to the political opportunities opened to the movement during Mexico’s democratic transition. In particular, it describes to what extent Zapatista protest activity was affected by the four traditional dimensions identified in the literature of political opportunity: (1) negotiating periods, as well as changes in power as signs of openings in the political system at the local and national levels; (2) the timing and competitiveness of elections as measures of the relative vulnerability of political elites; (3) the presence of a potential political ally in power; and (4) the Mexican state’s capacity for repression. The chapter compares the explanatory power of these factors to another factor that the literature has highlighted as a crucial variable for mobilization, namely the availability of a network of preexisting organizations.

Is the constitution the problem in front of the democratic transition in Iraq?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nawsherwan Saeed
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
External Interference ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Democratic Experience ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
Precarious Situation

Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.

Voice of Protest in Nepali Poetry by Women

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Indira Acharya Mishra
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
The Political ◽  
Feminine Gender ◽  
Theoretical Support ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
Female Foetus ◽  
Nepali Women ◽  
Female Poets ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Feminine Gender Roles

This article explores feminist voice in selected poems of four Nepali female poets. They are: "Ma Eutā Chyātieko Poshtar" ["I, a Frayed Poster"] by Banira Giri, "Pothī Bāsnu Hudaina" ["A Hen Must not Crow"] by Kunta Sharma,"Ma Strī Arthāt Āimai"["I am a Female or a Woman"] by Seema Aavas and "Tuhāu Tyo Garvalai" ["Abort the Female Foetus"] by Pranika Koyu. In the selected poems they protest patriarchy and subvert patriarchal norms and values that trivialize women. The tone of their poems is sarcastic towards male chauvinism that treats women as a second-class citizen. The poets question and ridicule the restrictive feminine gender roles that limit women's opportunity. To examine the voice of protest against patriarchy in the selected poems, the article takes theoretical support from French feminism, though not limited to it. The finding of the article suggests that Nepali women have used the genre to the political end, as a medium to advocate women's rights.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

An Unexpected Journey

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camille Bedock
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Electoral Calendar

Whereas the shortening of the presidential term was a long-debated, largely consensual, institutional topic in the story of the French Fifth Republic, the matter of the reordering of the electoral calendar was a circumstantial result of the dissolution and proved very divisive. The chapter shows how, paradoxically, two reforms that followed logically from one another in the minds of reformers, and emerged around the same time, followed hugely distinctive logics in terms of emergence and adoption, were separated sequentially, and were supported by different coalitions each time. This is the case because the reforms were perceived as having different natures: a consensual reform for the five-year term, a divisive reform for the reordering of the calendar. Whereas the quinquennat was debated and adopted through a supermajoritarian process involving deliberation among the vast majority of the political elites, the reordering of the calendar followed a purely majoritarian logic.

Remedying Diploma Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Implicit Bias ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Political Skills ◽  
Compulsory Voting ◽  
European Unification ◽  
Nationalist Parties

How can we remedy some of the negative effects of diploma democracy? First, we discuss the rise of nationalist parties. They have forced the mainstream political parties to pay more attention to the negative effects of immigration, globalization, and European unification. Next we discuss strategies to mitigate the dominance of the well-educated in politics. We start with remedies that address differences in political skills and knowledge. Then we discuss the deliberative arenas. Many democratic reforms contain an implicit bias towards the well-educated. A more realistic citizenship model is required. This can be achieved by bringing the ballot back in, for example, by merging deliberative and more direct forms of democracy through deliberative polling, corrective referendums, and more compulsory voting. The chapter ends with a discussion of ways to make the political elites more inclusive and responsive, such as descriptive representation, sortition, and plebiscitary elements.

Democracy and Political Culture

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.

scholarly journals Anti-populism during the Yellow Vest protests: From combatting the Rassemblement National to dealing with street populists

2021 ◽  
pp. 136914812097401
Author(s):  
Soraya Hamdaoui
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
Ordinary Citizens ◽  
Populist Party

This article analyses the anti-populist strategy of La République en marche! (LREM) during the Yellow Vest protests by comparing it with the one used against the Rassemblement National (RN), France’s main populist party. It argues that while the political elites of LREM have ostracised and strongly demonised the RN to contain its progression, their reaction to the populist protest movement was more balanced and cautious. As they were facing ordinary citizens asking for more fiscal justice and direct democracy rather than radical right politicians of the RN, LREM behaved in a more conciliatory way and softened their rhetoric of demonisation. Overall, the article distinguishes two types of anti-populism: an adversarial one to face a populist party and an accommodative one to deal with a populist social movement.

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