Building a Property-Owning Democracy, 1945–1970

Author(s):  
Stuart Aveyard ◽  
Paul Corthorn ◽  
Sean O’Connell

The chapter explains the emerging concept of a property-owning democracy. Encouraging home ownership, Conservatives argued, increased ‘independence of character, self-reliance, initiative, and the habit of saving and the acceptance of responsibility’. The Conservative government of 1951 granted local authorities powers to sell council houses to their tenants. Conservatives portrayed the Labour Party as hostile to home ownership. However, Labour revisionists encouraged colleagues to take the concept of a property-owning democracy seriously as part of a strategy to refresh their egalitarian agenda. In similar vein, Anthony Crosland argued that the concept was a ‘socialist rather than a conservative ideal’ as long as property was ‘well distributed’. Thus, as Britain became more affluent, the central debate on housing shifted from one centred on which government built the most houses to which party would offer homeowners the best deal, with a focus on the terms of mortgage lending.

Author(s):  
O. I. Ivanov ◽  
M. M.S. Naimi

The article considers the problem of choosing between the ownership of residential real estate and its rental as a solution to the investment problem. The purpose of the article is to formalize this task using only financial variables (without explicitly including non-monetary preferences) and testing it on real Russian data on real estate and mortgage lending markets. The results can be used: a) at the house-hold level, which usually poorly take into account the financial side of the decision; b) at the level of macroeconomic policy to predict the dynamics of the mortgage market. We identified the following key model parameters: the expected rate of growth in housing and rental prices, mortgage interest, and the planned period of real estate ownership. The model demonstrates that for an average of Moscow or Russian housing with enough period of ownership, the purchase is generally more profitable in the cur-rent macroeconomic conditions. However, if the forecast for the dynamics of changes in housing prices worsens, when the nominal price increase is 5-8% lower than the discount rate, the answer may change in favor of renting. This is especially true in connection with the negative dynamics of real prices in the Russian housing market.  


1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold L. Smith

AbstractAlthough Conservative M.P.s were instrumental in defeating equal pay proposals in parliament in 1936 and 1944, it was a Conservative government which in 1954 decided to proceed with equal pay for female civil servants. Previous explanations for this reversal of traditional Conservative policy have focused on the need to increase the supply of female applicants for civil service positions, and the equal pay campaigns by white–collar unions and by the feminist Equal Pay Campaign Committee. Drawing upon previously unused sources, including P.R.O.files, this article offers a more overtly political explanation.Within four weeks after the Labour party announced in January 1954 that it would ‘immediately’ implement equal pay when the next Labour government was formed, R. A. Butler, the chancellor of the exchequer, informed his treasury advisers that he wished to proceed with equal pay. With a general election looming in the near future, and believing themselves engaged in a close race with the Labour party, the cabinet reluctantly endorsed reform, fearing that a failure to act might tip sufficient female voters toward Labour to determine the outcome of a close election.


Rural History ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN SHEAIL

The paper relates the impact of the North American mink (Mustela vison), during the first half-century of its introduction, to the wider governance of the British countryside and, more particularly the agriculture departments, the Nature Conservancy, and their respective interest-groups. Even when evidence emerged of the mink's ability to breed in the wild, the departments strove both to avoid any impairment of the fur-breeding industry and to minimise their own responsibility for controlling the feral population. Such hesitancy and delay made it even less likely that the eventual campaign to eradicate the species in the 1960s would succeed. In pursuit of greater self-reliance of industry in raising agricultural productivity, the Conservative Government of the early 1970s relinquished even the desire to use the powers and resources uniquely available to government to coordinate and effect some measure of control, for example in safeguarding ‘the unique ecology’ of the Western Isles. The paper assesses the respective roles of ministers and officials, and their ‘expert’ advisers in permitting that failure in management to occur at a time when farming took such pride in its new-found ability to effect major improvements to ‘the rural workshop’.


1952 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
M. A. Fitzsimons

The british elections of October 25 gave the Conservative Party a small majority of 17 members in the House of Commons, although the popular vote provided a majority of 200,000 for the Labour Party. Parliament, however, is the supreme power in the British government and the discrepancy between popular vote and parliamentary results will not seriously shake the self-confidence of the Conservative Party. Members of the Labour Party, less sober and responsible in opposition, will doubtless characterize the Conservative government as a freak and an accident. But British traditions sanction the illogical workings of electoral machinery.


1987 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Batkin

This article questions to what extent the Labour Party is prepared to build on local authority experience in its policy statements and in practice. With the demise of the AES, Labour has been searching for a new political economy, publishing three policy statements in March this year. The author argues that while the impact of local authorities on these documents is unmistakable, the Labour Party has yet to take all their ideas on board.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-774
Author(s):  
Marisa Chappell

This article uses “urban homesteading” to argue that working-class activists played an important role in the transformation of American housing policy from the 1970s through the 1990s. Designed to tackle abandonment and promote gentrification, homesteading programs in the 1970s offered houses to individuals who would rehabilitate and reside in them. Through protest, negotiation, and squatting campaigns, working-class urban activists demanded that policymakers reorient homesteading programs to enable low-income homeownership. Activists’ alternative vision of homeownership demanded access to a regulated system of federally subsidized homeownership and often adopted limited equity ownership; at the same time, their celebration of homeownership as a strategy for self-reliance offered a useful tool for Republicans seeking to privatize public housing and bipartisan efforts to deregulate mortgage lending, both of which increased housing insecurity. The article thus argues that working-class urban residents, often seen as merely victims of neoliberal policymaking, played an important role in that process.


Author(s):  
Mark Stephens ◽  
Adam Stephenson

This chapter charts the radical reorientation of housing policy in the UK that was set in motion by the coalition government elected in 2010 and accelerated by the majority Conservative government elected in 2015. There is a strong tendency to favour home-ownership and worsening financial and regulative conditions for those who are not (yet) capable of buying a home. A variety of financial measures has increased the costs of housing for low incomes, whereas safety measures to protect these groups gradually have been abolished. Moreover, legal reforms with regard to tenure security for new tenants have even further worsened the position of low-income newcomers on the housing market. To conclude: the British housing policy redistributes rights away from low-income groups in favour of other groups.


Author(s):  
Petrina Haufiku-Makhubela ◽  
Uwe Hermann ◽  
Portia Sifolo

Holiday homes have been part of the tourism industry over a period of years, but there is little documented research regarding holiday home ownership, its value and impact in Namibia, therefore, the study is significant to this topic. The main aim behind this research study is to profile holiday homeowners and identify their motivation for purchasing these homes in Namibia. The results of the study focus on exploratory factor analysis which outlines four motivational factors and the correlation results to determine the demographic and psychological characteristics motivating the ownership of holiday homes. The study concluded that most holiday homes are owned by high income earners, who purchased these homes in coastal towns for the purpose of investment, income generation and recreation. The study thus recommends that these results be made available to policy planners and researchers in the local authorities and other stakeholders, in order to assist with the articulation of policies and the creation of a framework to monitor the sustainable growth of holiday home ownership that benefits the community.


1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 777-801 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Galster ◽  
Laudan Aron ◽  
William Reeder

1999 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
Stephen Ball

Education in the UK is awash with policy. Since the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher introduced the Education Reform Act of 1988, all levels and aspects of education have been subject to a constant deluge of reform and change. The Labour government have made their own contribution to this policy onslaught. At the 1998 Labour Party Annual Conference a briefing paper for delegates - Pledges into Action: Education and Employment, (Labour Party Policy Unit) listed 47 education-related policies, initiatives and funding decisions announced since the 1997 election victory. There have been many more since.


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