The market form in United Kingdom education

1999 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
Stephen Ball

Education in the UK is awash with policy. Since the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher introduced the Education Reform Act of 1988, all levels and aspects of education have been subject to a constant deluge of reform and change. The Labour government have made their own contribution to this policy onslaught. At the 1998 Labour Party Annual Conference a briefing paper for delegates - Pledges into Action: Education and Employment, (Labour Party Policy Unit) listed 47 education-related policies, initiatives and funding decisions announced since the 1997 election victory. There have been many more since.

Headline UNITED KINGDOM: Labour divisions set to be protracted


1992 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold L. Smith

AbstractAlthough Conservative M.P.s were instrumental in defeating equal pay proposals in parliament in 1936 and 1944, it was a Conservative government which in 1954 decided to proceed with equal pay for female civil servants. Previous explanations for this reversal of traditional Conservative policy have focused on the need to increase the supply of female applicants for civil service positions, and the equal pay campaigns by white–collar unions and by the feminist Equal Pay Campaign Committee. Drawing upon previously unused sources, including P.R.O.files, this article offers a more overtly political explanation.Within four weeks after the Labour party announced in January 1954 that it would ‘immediately’ implement equal pay when the next Labour government was formed, R. A. Butler, the chancellor of the exchequer, informed his treasury advisers that he wished to proceed with equal pay. With a general election looming in the near future, and believing themselves engaged in a close race with the Labour party, the cabinet reluctantly endorsed reform, fearing that a failure to act might tip sufficient female voters toward Labour to determine the outcome of a close election.


Author(s):  
S.C. Aveyard

This chapter looks at economic policy in Northern Ireland in the context of severe economic difficulties experienced by the UK as a whole. It shows how the Labour government sought to shield Northern Ireland from economic realities because of the conflict, increasing public expenditure and desperately seeking industrial investment. The level of desperation in this endeavour is illustrated through examples such as Harland & Wolff’s shipyards and the DeLorean Motor Company. The experience of the 1970s, and particularly under the Labour government, set the pattern for the following decades with a steadily increasing subvention from the rest of the United Kingdom and a growing dependence on the public sector, all at a time when the opposite trend took place in Great Britain.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-51
Author(s):  
Anne Markiewicz

The 13th Annual Conference of the United Kingdom Evaluation Society (UKES), ‘Great Expectations? Meeting the Changing Needs of Stakeholders in Evaluation’, was held in Leeds, England on 22-23 November 2007. This article is a brief report on the conference.


Author(s):  
Nataliia Boiko

The article is devoted to the formation and evolution of migration policy of British governments at the present stage. It is noted that migration processes are one of the main features of globalization. It is also claimed that the UK has always attracted migrants from different parts of the world, especially from the post-colonial countries and Eastern Europe. As a migration project, it has always been characterized by a high standard of living and a high level of wages in the European Union. However, as a member of the European Community until 2019, Britain has always differed from its European partners in its autonomy and separateness, particularly in the field of immigration policy. The author analyzes the current migration laws passed by the British governments from 1990 to 2020. The active development of migration legislation began during the premiership of the conservative John Major (1990–1997). Therefore, the Conservative government has taken steps only in the direction of quota migration flows. It was determined that the basic purpose of the migration legislation of the United Kingdom was the governments’ ability to comprehensively address the migration problem as a threat to national security. It was officially recognized during the reign of Gordon Brown (2007–2010). It has been proven that the priorities in the UK’s migration policy have been the issues of restraining and controlling the flow of immigrants, in particular their consequences for immigrants from Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the migration component of the Labor government of Tony Blair (1997–2007) and the Conservative government of Theresa May (2016–2019) as the most loyal and hostile cabinet ministers on immigration. The competition between the party principles of controlled (Labor) and rigid (Conservative) migration under their rule has led to the adoption of new laws. In essence and content, they were designed to cope with the growing migration crisis in the country. The importance of the media and information propaganda in the reflection of immigration as a trend of British domestic policy and a key cause of Brexit (2016–2019) is emphasized.


Fascism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 146-166
Author(s):  
Iker Itoiz Ciáurriz

Abstract In 1979 Margaret Thatcher came to power in the United Kingdom inaugurating the rise of neoliberalism. In the pages of Marxism Today an intense debate took place about the strategy of the Labour Party to defeat Thatcher and Thatcherism. The author aims to show how the famous communist historian Eric Hobsbawm appealed to his own memories of the French Popular Front and the antifascist movement to give ideological content to the fight against Thatcherism on two points. First, Thatcherism as a new international threat similar to fascism in the 1930s. Second, by appealing emotionally to his own experiences during the 1930s in order to show readers how antifascism could work to unite the diverse progressive forces ranged against Thatcher. By doing so, Hobsbawm and the contributors to Marxism Today would reshape antifascism based on two ideals: the unity of the majority, in particular, the unity of the working class, against the forces of reaction. Second, the strength of unity to articulate policies for the emancipation of the working class.


2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nash

This article reviews the achievements of the first two terms of the New Labour government in the UK over the period 1997-2005. It analyses the legislative programme in the areas of individual and collective employment regulation and the promotion of partnership. The article argues that whilst there have been developments in the areas of extending employee protections and granting unions a statutory recognition procedure, much of the legislative framework of the previous Conservative administrations has remained unchanged. The achievements of the Labour government are placed in an international context and the relative merits of the ‘Europeanization’ and ‘Americanization’ theses are explored. The article concludes with the assessment that far from marking a radical break with the past, Labour’s Industrial Relations programme lacks consistency and coherence.


Author(s):  
Victoria Punko

The article summarized and systematized documentary and historiographical sources of the privatization process in the UK government in times of conservative government under Margaret Thatcher. Used different genres historiographical sources of domestic and foreign origin, memoirs, collective and individual monographs, historical essays, political biographies, articles and specialized intelligence information pressed. Based on this study the concept of historiography problem causes "neoconservative revolution", its theoretical basis, the state of the British economy for dominance keysianskoyi economic model British model of privatization of periods, forms, tools pozytive and negative side, the possibility of borrowing the British privatization experience in Ukrainian realities. Keywords: Historiography, neo-conservatism, monetarism, economicliberalism, Margaret Thatcher, privatisation, the «popular capitalism»


1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANDALL HANSEN

The article examines the 1966–70 Labour government's decision to withdraw the right of entry from Asians with British passports who were driven out of Kenya by its ‘Africanization’ policies. It examines the decision within the context of three issues: first, the existence and status of a pledge, allegedly made by Macmillan's last Conservative government, that the Asians' right to enter the UK would be respected; second, a decline in both major parties' commitment to the Commonwealth; and, third, competing ideological strains within the Labour party. The article concentrates on the first of these issues, focusing on an as-yet-unresolved debate between Duncan Sandys and Iain Macleod, both Conservative Colonial Secretaries. Macleod argued that a solemn pledge had been given to the Asians, while Sandys and the Conservative party adamantly denied the claim. In the light of new archival evidence, the article argues that the Asians' exemption from immigration controls, which had been applied to the whole of the Commonwealth, did not result from an explicit commitment by the British government; it was rather the unintended result of the mechanism chosen to restrict Commonwealth immigration in 1962. It was a consequence, however, that was recognized by civil servants at the time of the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1962, and accepted by key figures in the British cabinet, including Duncan Sandys himself. The position taken by Sandys and the majority of the Conservative party in 1968 was, behind the safety of the Official Secrets Act, a betrayal of commitments made and pledges given only a few years earlier. The article concludes by suggesting that the Kenyan Asians' crisis represented both a shift, in the two parties, away from previous commitments to the Commonwealth and, in the Labour party, the triumph of James Callaghan's strand of Labour ideology – nationalist, anti-intellectual, indifferent to arguments about international law and obligation, and firmly in touch with the social conservatism of middle- and working-class England.


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