A Century of Fiscal Squeeze Politics

Author(s):  
Christopher Hood ◽  
Rozana Himaz

Contributing to the literature on austerity, this book identifies and compares episodes of ‘fiscal squeeze’ (that is, substantial efforts to cut public spending and/or raise taxes) in the UK over a century from 1900 to 2015. It looks at how different the politics of fiscal squeeze and austerity is today from what it was a century ago, ways in which fiscal squeeze can reshape the state, leading to new ways of organizing government or providing services, and at how political credit and blame play out in the aftermath of fiscal squeeze. The analysis is both quantitative and qualitative, starting with reported financial outcomes and then looking at the political choices and processes that lie behind those outcomes to identify patterns and puzzles that have not been recognized or explained adequately so far in received theory. Thus the book identifies a long-term shift from deep but short-lived episodes of spending restraint or tax increases in the earlier part of the century towards episodes in which the pain is spread out over a longer period during the latter part of the century. It also identifies a marked reduction of revenue-led squeezes in the last part of the century. Analysing fiscal squeeze both in terms of reported outcomes and a qualitative analysis of loss imposition, political cost to incumbents and state, helps to solve a puzzle in the literature about the electoral effects of austerity and apparently erratic voter ‘punishment’ of governments that impose austerity policies.

Author(s):  
Christopher Hood ◽  
Rozana Himaz

This chapter discusses and defines fiscal squeeze, explains why fiscal squeeze and austerity is important and intriguing, sets out a way to identify, classify, and measure fiscal squeezes, and shows what can be learnt from exploring a single case, that of the UK, over a century. It reviews relevant literature and identifies three key political choices in fiscal squeeze: (a) tax hikes versus spending cuts; (b) depth versus length of squeezes (‘surgery without anaesthetics’ or ‘boiling frogs’); (c) how to handle the blame and the tactic of ‘heresthetic’. It develops the analytic approach pursued in the book, combining quantitative and qualitative analysis and focusing the latter on loss imposition, political cost to incumbents, and state effort in fiscal squeeze.


Author(s):  
Ruth Patrick

This chapter outlines the rationale behind conducting repeat interviews with out-of-work benefit claimants in an effort to better understand lived experiences of welfare reform. It introduces readers to the political and theoretical context, and highlights the value in employing social citizenship as a theoretical lens in order to tease out citizenship from above and below. The recent context of welfare reform in the UK is also introduced, highlighting the extent to which successive rounds of welfare reform have cumulatively reworked the relationship between the citizen and the state. The research on which this book is based is detailed, and the value in working through and across time by taking a qualitative longitudinal approach highlighted.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Željko Marić

Bosnia and Herzegovina is in a state of long-term recession. Under these conditions, the State would have to apply the Keynesian economic policy instead of the neoclassical free market policy. This means that the State should take on the role of the main driver of economic development by increasing public spending and the fiscal consolidation. In doing so, it is very important to understand and evaluate the fiscal multipliers, as the successful application of the Keynesian policy depends exclusively on them. The aim of this paper is, after conducting an analysis of determinants and limitations of the fiscal multipliers within the conditions present in transition countries, to provide guidance on how to conduct the public spending policy, together with the monetary policy and structural reforms which would reduce the possible limitations regarding the effect of fiscal multipliers, thus increasing their impact on economic development. The analysis will be conducted on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-246
Author(s):  
Craig Berry

We are increasingly conscious that private pension schemes in the UK are primarily financial institutions. UK private pensions provision has always been highly financialized, but the individualization of provision means this dynamic matters more than ever to retirement incomes. Furthermore, individualization has occurred at a time when the UK economy’s capacity to support a long-term approach to capital investment, upon which pensions depend, has declined. The chapter argues that pensions provision essentially involves managing the failure of the future to resemble the present, or more specifically present forecasts of the future. As our ability to manipulate the value of the future has increased, our ability to tolerate forecast failure has declined. The chapter details how pension funds invest, and how this has changed, and provides an original understanding of several recent attempts to shape pensions investment, ultimately demonstrating the limitations of pensions policy in shaping how provision functions in practice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 77-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Froud ◽  
Sukhdev Johal ◽  
Michael Moran ◽  
Karel Williams

This article uses the example of public sector outsourcing to explore how elite power can be fallible. A contract between the state and private companies represents a complex interweaving of different kinds of power with uncertain outcomes: the experience of outsourcing in the UK and elsewhere is that it frequently goes wrong, with fiascos creating political embarrassment for states and financial problems for companies. Drawing on Deleuze and Guattari, the article explores how the contract is a political device that can be both tool and weapon but which has uncertain outcomes. In doing so, it makes a distinctive contribution by arguing that elite work is often about repair and managing the political or financial consequences of failure.


Subject Privatisation moves. Significance The UK Labour Party reaffirmed its objective of renationalising several privatised utilities and taking over projects funded by public-private partnerships at its September 24-27 annual party conference. The plan to shift back to public ownership has proved contentious with business as indicative of hostility to the private sector but popular with the public which associates privatisation with higher prices and poorer service quality. Impacts Renationalisation would be likely to use up much of a future Labour government’s political capital. The political cost would be regarded by Labour’s current leadership and its supporters as a price worth paying to honour a defining pledge. While renationalisation would be symbolic, the fortunes of such a government would depend more on its handling of the economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 818-842 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Fitzgerald ◽  
Seán Kenny

Abstract In this paper, we discuss the apportionment of national debt when Ireland exited the UK in 1922. We estimate that the claim on Ireland amounted to 80 percent of Irish Gross National Product (G.N.P.) and describe how it was ultimately waived at the expense of an unchanged land border with Northern Ireland. While this represents the largest debt relief episode in the twentieth century, the political cost of the agreement exceeded the financial gain in the long run. We find that domestic markets reacted more to political uncertainty than the pending liability, despite the financial stability which resulted from the debt write-down.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Sarmiento Barletti ◽  
Lexy Seedhouse

A study informed by long-term fieldwork with Amazonian and Andean indigenous peoples examines their experiences of Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Law of Prior Consultation. It engages with these efforts, which sought to address injustice by creating a new pact between the state and its indigenous citizens, their various failures, and the unintended opportunities that they have created for the political participation of indigenous peoples and their representatives.Un estudio basado en el trabajo de campo a largo plazo con los pueblos indígenas amazónicas y andinos examine sus experiencias de la Comisión de Verdad y Reconciliación y la Ley de Consulta Previa de Perú, que buscaba abordar la injusticia creando un nuevo pacto entre el estado y sus ciudadanos indígenas. Aborda sus diversos fracasos y las oportunidades no previstas que han creado para la participación políticas de los pueblos indígenas y sus representantes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-240
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter analyses politics in Northern Ireland in the context, first, of the failed attempts to implement devolution that led to its suspension, then the St Andrews Agreement in 2006, elections and the restoration of devolution in 2007. It reappraises the tortuous years in terms of the territorial strains that were still present in Northern Ireland, the resources available to the Republican/Nationalist and Unionist party leaderships in Northern Ireland as well as to the Blair government, and the political management approaches that they each pursued. It focuses on the political imperatives and constraints that determined the Northern Ireland Assembly's journey between intermittent existence and suspension, and eventually led to the unlikely agreement between the leaders of the extreme representatives of Republicanism and Unionism. The chapter is informed by the proposition that both sides in Northern Ireland still recognised their resource limitations in asserting their ideal outcomes in the short term. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Fein still pursued power-sharing devolution in the short to medium term to realise their long-term objectives of Irish unity. This was principally to be achieved through electoral success and the cultivation of the North–South institutions under strand two of the Belfast Agreement to normalise Irish governance through instrumental arguments, shared policy development and functional spillovers. Meanwhile, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), as the principal Unionist party, competitively sought to use devolution as a new framework in which to sustain an inter-governmentalist approach to governing within the UK, asserting the very different long-term aim of maintaining Northern Ireland within the Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212110176
Author(s):  
Mark Turner

Twenty-eight years after the Taylor Report into the Hillsborough disaster recommended that all football grounds in the top two divisions in England and Wales should become all-seated, the UK government, in 2018, announced a review into the safety of modern standing areas and whether developments in stadium safety might justify changing the all-seating legislation to permit Safe Standing. These events are the outcome of a 30-year social movement in which a critical mass of supporters, through the relational networks they formed, have built collective action. Drawing upon both archival and fieldwork research to analyse the longer-term impact which all-seated stadia have had on football supporters’ consumption of the game in England, the article uses relational sociology to tell the story of the movement, and studies the working tactics and structure of a small network mobilizing across the political and discursive fields of contention post-Hillsborough. It argues that whilst now a more effective movement with technological and political capital, Safe Standing continues to raise important questions around the historical views on football fans as somehow deviant and reinforces the long-term impact and legacy of Hillsborough on supporters’ modern cultural consumption of the game by moving within the parameters of the all-seating legislation.


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