scholarly journals Conclusions

Author(s):  
Ben Worthy

This concluding chapter reflects on how the LCI has performed and how it can be developed. Application of the LCI is analyzed across different leadership puzzles and contexts and for what this tells us about the authority of political leaders. Some interpretations of capital fluctuation across the chapters are presented. The LCI allows exploration of how skills, relations, and reputations create, build, or erode authority. Questions remain over the weighting of indicators, the balance between hard and soft measurements, and broader questions about how capital is acquired, preserved, and, in rare cases, regained. Leaders in weakly democratic systems may be less prone to “normal” patterns of capital fluctuation. Overall, the LCI does allow students of political leadership to think about the difference between political office-holding and exercising political leadership, and about why and when some leaders are able to make the political weather rather than being swept along by it.

2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Edwards

The objective of this paper is to analyse key elements of the development strategy of Singapore since the mid–1960s. The paper describes the economic challenge faced by Singapore in the mid–1960s, overviews contemporary world trends in foreign direct investment, and uses competitiveness constructs developed by Michael Porter (1985) to clarify key stages in the evolution of Singapore's development strategy. The paper argues that the strategy has been successful because of unremitting top priority given to it by Singapore's political leadership and because the political leaders charged a single organisation, the Economic Development Board (EDB), with absolute authority to develop and implement the strategy. The paper concludes with implications for Queensland's Smart State initiatives.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Predrag Pavlicevic

This article indicated a model for a scientific description of styles of political leadership in Serbia from 1990 to the present, more precisely, pointed the basic elements of concept developed by the author in the study ?The style of political leaders in Serbia in the period 1990-2006? (2010). For the evaluation the author uses analytical tools that include the aforementioned concept, simultaneously indicating correlative theoretical approaches the aforementioned study did not examine, and may be of importance for the research of political elites in Serbia. This contributes the epistemological part of the method, which is registered in the definition of the style of political leadership as a term and the category apparatus that follows - understood from the aspect of the political style: the style in building political power, the style of political communication, the style of building one?s legitimacy, the ideological style, the styles of political language, symbolism and rituals, non-verbal communication and style in expressing patriotism. Starting from the fact that political styles are related to characteristics of political cultures and that it is necessary to make a concept of ideal typical models of styles focused on political subjects, this article marked the styles of political leadership typology related to the specific acting of political leaders in Serbia: authoritarian, republican, realistic, populist, conformist, revolutionary and style of a politician-rebel.


2007 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-98
Author(s):  
Bozidar Jaksic

The author?s approach is based on three premises: 1. that Gajo Petrovic?s Praxis was an outstanding phenomenon in Croatian, Yugoslav and European culture, a challenge of freedom in a repressive society; 2. that there has never been such a thing as "Praxis group", "philosophers of practice" or "Praxis philosophers" with a unified philosophical and socio-theoretical orientation; and 3. that political and ideological attacks on Praxis were part of the repressive system that targeted every instance of cultural and scientific dissent. The political leadership of Tito?s regime, its ideological and propaganda apparatus systematically disseminated allegations, denunciations and accusations against Praxis and Gajo Petrovic. The same style has survived through radical historical changes from the appearance of Praxis until today. The attackers have often been the same persons, with the difference that in earlier times they denounced Praxis and Gajo Petrovic as enemies of "socialism" and the "socialist self-management system", and in the changed political fashion as "servants" of Tito?s authoritarian rule. The fate of Praxis in the former regime has been triumphantly interpreted as a "family quarrel". This paper attempts a sociological analysis of the political destiny of Praxis. The analysis is essentially determined not by old and new political and ideological questionings of Praxis, but by Gajo Petrovic?s fundamental belief that there is no freedom without the human or humanity without freedom. .


2019 ◽  
pp. 1222-1236
Author(s):  
Flaminia Saccà

In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.


1995 ◽  
Vol 143 ◽  
pp. 784-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy T. Paltiel

Civil-military relations in China demonstrate a unique fusion of military and political leadership within the Communist Party. Variously described as a “symbiosis,” “dual-role elite” or “the Party in uniform,” this feature rooted in the guerrilla experience of the Chinese Communist Party was sustained over six decades by the political longevity of the Long March generation. The civil war experience formed political leaders skilled in both civil affairs and military command. Analysts of civil-military relations in China must therefore define the scope of “civil” in relation to the Chinese Communist Party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Khairul Azmi Mohamad ◽  
Nooraini Othman

This paper intends to reflect on the importance of political trust to voters’ behaviour. Political trust has a strong link to the political leadership legitimacy. Voters voted political leaders because of their trust to them or to their party. In the context of this paper, political trust refers to the performance of political leaders. In essence, political leadership performance of their duties will have a substantive effect to the voters’ decision on who to vote in an election. Political trust characterised the image of the political leaders as well as their party. Political trust is not easy to regain once broken. Voters will remember them. Adversaries will play the issue to gain support towards their party. Trustworthiness and reliability would normally result from good policy and programmes that the leader or party who lead the government initiate or implement. These programmes benefited the people and the country. Trust deficit in the realm of politics is in need of a serious repair. This work will speak of political trust and contextually relate it to political leadership. The performance of political leaders and government will be viewed from the economics, education, health, safety and religious points of views. These are some of the most important factors becoming the supporting pillars of political trust especially in the context of Malaysia. Their upright performance will gather voters’ support and consequently, the opposite will direct to political decline.


Author(s):  
Levan Nikoleishvili ◽  
Tamar Kiknadze

The socio-political processes developed in Georgia in the 90s of the twentieth century led to the political transformation of the country. The political changes that began during this period led to the ideological and value transformation of elite structures, including procedural changes in the mechanisms of elite circulation. All this was reflected in the country's domestic and foreign policy.In Georgian reality, the main part of the society is focused on a specific political figure, however, the elite groups united around this leader differ from each other in their values and ideological orientation. At the same time, all post-Soviet political leaders followed different paths of accumulating social and political capital, which became an important component of developing their individual political charisma.The article discusses the features of 4 political leaders of post-Soviet Georgia (Z. Gamsakhurdia, E. Shevardnadze, M. Saakashvili, B. Ivanishvili) and the political processes related to them.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

Chapter 3 examines what political leadership means in the age of governance. In unison, theories of metagovernance and recent theories of political leadership provide the necessary building blocks for developing a concept of interactive political leadership that captures what political leadership implies in a context where the members of the political community take an active part in governing society. While metagovernance theory highlights the role of hands-off and hands-on forms of governance in regulating self-governance, new theories of political leadership provide a helpful redefinition of the role of power and the relationship between leaders and followers in political leadership. These important insights pave the way for the development of a concept of interactive political leadership and a specification of nine tasks for political leaders in multi-actor policy-making. The chapter concludes by listing a number of challenges and dilemmas facing politicians who aspire to become interactive political leaders.


Author(s):  
Flaminia Saccà

In the last decade, Italy has gone through some deep changes in the political sphere. The fall of the Berlin Wall had forced political parties from opposite sides to re-organize themselves: their targets, ideologies and projects. At the same time, these historical events have been shortly followed by a major national bribe scandal that invested the main political leaders who had governed the Country for half a century. As a result, the last turn of the past Millennium has left a strongly politicized Country with no acknowledged leaders, no clear ideologies, no traditional, recognizable parties. It is in those years that Berlusconi's new venture gained votes and success. The fracture between political organizations, leaders and citizens though, became unhealable. The younger generations seemed to be the ones who suffered the most from political apathy or, worse, distrust. So we wanted to investigate who were the young politicians who, in these times of crises, had chosen politics as an important part of their lives. We have carried out two different surveys in different years and we found that political parties were changing deeply and radically. That their role in the political socialization of young political actors had become very thin. That candidates began to be chosen amongst the affluent few or, at least, amongst those whose personal fame and social/professional/family network would guarantee their party at least a dowry of votes that could make the difference in times of elections. But this method would not guarantee cohesion nor government stability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harsh V. Verma

Brands are powerful determinants of success. It is unsurprising to see how branding tools and processes are employed in political context. Notwithstanding the differences, the exchange, choice and discrimination between competing candidates makes the political arena similar to marketing in general. A democratic form of governance enjoys several similarities with competition. The Indian political space is highly divided and fragmented based on voter demographics and psychology. In sync with market reality, the political players are also highly diversified. In the next general elections, the most dominant voting group is going to be the youth segment often called now generation. Change is also visible in the political leadership of two major national parties. The competing leaders Narendra Modi of the BJP and Rahul Gandhi of the Congress have a brand building is task in their hands. The first question in brand building is to understand what the brand stands for. This study explores the identity of these two leaders by applying content analysis to their communication. It is interesting to find that both brands are driven by a dominant discourse on change, but seem to adopt different routes to achieving the same.


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