Pestilence and the Body Politic in Latin Literature

Author(s):  
Hunter H. Gardner

Lucretius, Vergil, and Ovid developed important conventions of the Western plague narrative as a response to the breakdown of the Roman res publica in the mid-first century CE and the reconstitution of stabilized government under the Augustan Principate (31 BCE–14 CE). Relying on the metaphoric relationship between the human body and the body politic, these authors use largely fictive representations of epidemic disease to address the collapse of the social order and suggest remedies for its recovery. Plague as such functions frequently in Roman texts to enact a drama in which the concerns of the individual must be weighed against those of the collective. In order to understand the figurative potential of plague, this book evaluates the reality of epidemic disease in Rome, in light of twentieth-century theories of plague discourse, those of Artaud, Foucault, Sontag, and Girard, in particular. Pestilence and the Body Politic in Latin Literature identifies consistent features of the outbreaks described by Roman epic poets, charting the emergence of Golden-Age imagery, emphasis on bodily dissolution, and poignant accounts of broken familial bonds. Such features are expressed through Roman idioms that provocatively recall the discourse of civil strife that characterized the last century of the Roman Republic. The final chapters examine key moments in the resurgence of Roman plague topoi, beginning with early imperial poets (Lucan, Seneca, and Silius Italicus), and concluding with discussion of late antique Christian poetry, paintings of the late Italian Renaissance, and Anglo-American novels and films.

Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett

This chapter discusses the relationship of the state to its subjects as necessarily physically embodied beings. The primary way in which the commonwealth commands its subjects is through the medium of its law. The law is for the common good and obliges the community as a whole, and thus the ontological status of the law—as distinct from any particular command of a superior to an individual—is intimately tied to that of the body politic. The question, then, concerning the relationship of the state to the natural body of the individual can be framed in terms of the extent of the obligation of the civil law.


Author(s):  
Wes Furlotte

This chapter begins with a provoking claim: the real problem here is not the natural dimension involved in criminality. Instead, it argues that the real threat to freedom’s social actualization is the way in which the state’s disciplinary apparatus reacts to violations of right. It shows that if criminality needs to be framed in terms of nature then so does punishment. If punishment functions to (re-)habituate transgressive persons, then one of its inherent risks is that it might operate as a brute externality, a natural force. In functioning as an external natural force, punishment actively mutilates the freedom constitutive of juridical personhood. Not only does this mutilation undermine the individual it also actively undermines spirit’s social (objective) expression as freedom because such a practice serves to (a) fragment and alienate the person and (b) the totality constituting the body politic. This threat is what the chapter calls “surplus repressive punishment.” This problem as a whole is what the chapter denotes with “spirit’s regressive (de-)actualization.” Consequently, the problem nature poses in Hegel’s system is even more complex when considered in terms of how the polis’ institutions frame, understand, and react to that very same problem.


Author(s):  
Hunter H. Gardner

Chapter 6 explores the appropriation of late Republican and Augustan treatments of pestilence in Imperial literature. Seneca’s version of Oedipus’ tragedy turns to Latin epic, rather than Sophocles, to articulate conditions of pestilence in Thebes. This language reflects upon Oedipus’ traditional role as φαρμακός‎, both infected “carrier” and saviour to the civic body, clarifying how competing claims of individuality and collectivity have determined the pathology of earlier literary treatments of plague. By inscribing plague within a text that questions standards of good government, Seneca secures the role of contagion as a tool for examining the health of the body politic in Neronian Rome. The epics of Silius Italicus and Lucan also invoke the plagues of their predecessors in contexts of Roman civil discord, and use the plague’s power to enact the dissolution of individual identity as a way of indicting competition for political distinction. Lucan relies on the symptomology of his predecessors in his account of pestilence afflicting Pompey’s soldiers, but emphasizes the link between contagion and internal conflict by casting both the disease and the fervour for civil war as rabies. Silius, in the Punica, describes an outbreak of pestilence during the Punic Wars that brings about widespread destruction. But in answer to the status-leveling and dehumanizing effects characterizing preceding plague narratives, he depicts the Roman general Marcellus escaping the plague and recovering distinction or “exemplarity” in a way that does not threaten the health of the body politic.


1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Lupton

Risk is a concept with multiple meanings and is ideologically loaded. The author reviews the literature on risk perception and risk as a sociocultural construct, with particular reference to the domain of public health. Pertinent examples of the political and moral function of risk discourse in public health are given. The author concludes that risk discourse is often used to blame the victim, to displace the real reasons for ill-health upon the individual, and to express outrage at behavior deemed socially unacceptable, thereby exerting control over the body politic as well as the body corporeal. Risk discourse is redolent with the ideologies of mortality, danger, and divine retribution. Risk, as it is used in modern society, therefore cannot be considered a neutral term.


Human Affairs ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Lanre-Abass

Racism and Its Presuppositions: Towards a Pragmatic Ethics of Social ChangeRacism has been described as a litmus test or a barium meal which reveals other disorders and injustices within the body politic. It presupposes the legitimacy of racial classifications and the metaphysical reality of races and therefore provides a vital area of scrutiny for philosophical traditions. This paper examines racism and its anti-social effects both on the individual and the society at large. It argues that racism is generally driven by fear and hatred hence all forms of racism are dangerous, socially harmful and morally wrong in practice. The paper recommends ways of overcoming the evil of racism by emphasizing social intelligence and self-realization as moral ideals drawing on John Dewey's pragmatism in ethics. It concludes by stressing Dewey's moral pragmatism as a potent instrument of social change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-50
Author(s):  
Pavel Bychkov ◽  

The article analyzes «The Book of the Body Politic» (1404–1407) by Christine de Pizan to show how she updated the metaphor of body politic traditional for the Middle Ages, and what were the reasons for the creation of this treatise. In it, Christine excluded the clergy from the tripartite social order scheme: in the political body the sovereign replaced the pope and the clergy. Instead of the Church playing the leading role as the ‘soul’ of society, the author introduced humanistic concepts of "good arising from the virtue" and "morals". Christine also included the third estate in the political life of a kingdom, providing its stratification and hierarchization, and giving a profound description of its role in the body politic. The metaphorical concept of " body politic" broke away from the ecclesiastical and mystical connotations and took root in the secular, political-philosophical tradition.


Author(s):  
Clifton Hood

For all the social chaos that phenomenal economic growth and heavy immigration had produced earlier in the century, upper-class New Yorkers had generally been optimistic that hoi polloi possessed enough self-control and independence to take direction from their betters and accept their proper place in the body politic. But the New York City draft riots of 1863 – the worse urban disorder in American history – seemed to show that entire communities lacked the self-discipline and orderliness required of the citizenry of a democratic nation and instead were prone to a savagery that had ripped the city apart. Drawing on their memories of the draft riots and on Victorian cultural values, the upper class utilized the Civil War to counter the blurring of class boundaries and social credentials caused by urban growth of the first half of the century. They came to classify came to classify many workers and immigrants as dangerous classes that threatened the social order- and themselves as a community of heritage and feeling that provided leadership in government, the economy, and society. At bottom these representations involved social control, and upper-class people used them to help harden class lines and gain an understanding of themselves and the rest of urban society that was coherent and compelling.


Author(s):  
Hunter H. Gardner

Vergil’s Noric cattle plague in Georgics 3 develops a more direct correlation between contagious disease and civil discord. In Vergil’s account, the initially conflicting symptoms of the disease (e.g. excessive heat and cold) collapse bodies into liquefied homogeneity, indicating plague’s power to create uniformity among a population and ultimately offer a clean slate upon which to rewrite the body politic. But in that process, the eradication of individual identities—expressed through Vergil’s anthropomorphized cattle—and the open-ended spread of the disease that concludes Book 3 suggest the poet’s ambivalence toward prospects of recovery from contagion as civil war. Through heaps of undistinguishable cadavera and Golden-Age imagery that neutralizes old enmities, as well as through verbal echoes of passages indicting fraternal strife elsewhere in the Georgics, the poet acknowledges the excesses of individual ambition. But he qualifies Lucretian polemic against desire and ambition as markers of personal identity: when pestilence strikes Aristaeus’ beehive in Book 4, its remedy—a violent ritual (the bougonia) that produces homogenous, loyal offspring—fails to offer an adequate model for human existence. The final section of the chapter looks to the failed attempt at settling Crete in the Aeneid as a coda to disease in the Georgics: the episode recalls depictions of epidemic disease in Georgics 3 and 4, clarifying the meaning of Aristaeus’ new hive as a caveat for Aeneas’ attempt to restore the Trojan race.


Pólemos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Alessandra Cordiano

Abstract The acknowledgement of the concept of gender identity is a somewhat recent conquest that has come about thanks mainly to the accomplishments of science and modern technology. The Italian system outlines the generally dominant judicial categories and gives only a partial idea of the historical and judicial evolution of the story of gender. History shows that past societies were more tolerant, or simply more accepting of issues of sexuality. Their more relaxed attitude was reflected in culture and literature and in their more open approach towards matters regarding homosexuality, transsexuality, intersexuality and even transvestism. But it was with Shakespeare that the supremacy of heterosexuality and the sexual canons of the dominant culture saw a major shake-up. Shakespeare used devices like the feminization of the male and women playing male parts as narrative pretexts to comment on themes such as the rivalry between the sexes in the contention for power, conflicts that give rise to a symbiosis between genders and disfigurements of the body that overturn the social order that is shaped by gender binary.


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