German Catholicism in 1933

Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein

Böckenförde examines here why almost the entire leadership of organized Catholicism in Germany, that is both of the Church organization and Catholic societal associations, became complicitous in and sometimes actively helped Hitler amend the constitution and dismantle the democratic state. Böckenförde identifies three main reasons for this sudden transformation: the legacy of the Prussian Culture War (Kulturkampf), the dominance of natural law in Catholic thought, and the inherent anti-liberalism of the Catholic magisterium. Since the Kulturkampf, Catholic citizens felt alienated from the state, chose to withdraw into “inner emigration” and rallied around matters of personal faith, issues internal to the Church, and questions of religious schooling, each of which had a strong connection to natural law and—although specifically Catholic concerns—were equated in their minds with the public good. The Concordat between the Vatican and the Nazi regime in July 1933 promised the Catholic leadership the possibility of achieving the kind of autonomy they had sought for decades, in exchange for officially accepting the new Nazi order. As Böckenförde dryly diagnoses, in the minds of Catholic leaders the preservation of the democratic order carried no weight by comparison. Additionally, leading Catholics attached great hopes to the new Reich, expecting that it would revive the old Christian-Catholic, anti-enlightenment and ‘organic’ alternative to the modern, individualist, and secular state. Written in 1961, the article was the first in-depth historiographic study of Catholic complicity in the rise of the Nazi regime and caused a lasting public controversy, which ultimately vindicated Böckenförde’s account.

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3 ENGLISH ONLINE VERSION) ◽  
pp. 173-183
Author(s):  
Ginter Dzierżon

In the presented study, the author carried out a detailed analysis of canon 130 CIC/83, demonstrating that the amendment of the canon dispelled some interpretative concerns that commentators had with regard to canon 196 CIC/17. The author believes it would be preposterous to reduce the forum of power of governance solely to the external domain. This is because the nature of the Church is not manifested only in this dimension. After all, the Church has both visible and invisible nature. Most acts of governance are placed externally because they serve the public good. Yet some of them are actions carried out in the internal forum, and it cannot be limited to the sphere of conscience because it has a wider scope. It is obvious that, as a rule, decisions taken for the internal forum due to their secrecy and lack of public character have consequences only in that forum. By introducing a clause which goes “except insofar as the law establishes it in determined cases,” the legislator does not rule out a different solution whereby internal forum acts also take effect in the external forum. The assumption of such an eventuality is intended to prevent conflicts between these areas.


1988 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Yates

The public controversy over ritualism in the Church of England reached its peak in the 1870s, with the passing of the Public Worship Regulation Act and the attempts, eventually abandoned through use of the episcopal veto, to prosecute ritualist clergy for the use of technically illegal ceremonial ornaments or vestments. One other related subject that caused a similar degree of controversy at the time, though it has been less well remembered since, was the emphasis within ritualist circles on auricular or sacramental confession. The subject of auricular confession, made privately to a priest, was one of the most explosive religious issues, both morally and theologically, of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1(46)) ◽  
pp. 141-166
Author(s):  
Janusz Mariański

The Catholic Church in Poland in the area of public life: A sociological analysis For the last few years, a slow process of a specific “cooling down” of religious and Church commitment has been taking place in Poland. In this article we assume that religiosity with institutional protection still plays an important role in the Church landscape of Polish society and the sphere of public life. In Poland, a positive attitude vis‑à‑vis the Catholic Church is an important determinant of one’s religiosity. Individuals who do not have confidence in the Church, and who evaluate it negatively as an institution, tend to participate less in religious practices, and their faith seems to be weakening. Religiosity and commitment to the Catholic Church in Poland are very closely related to each other. There are no major discrepancies in the opinion as to the extent of the secularization of society among Polish sociologists, but there are differences in the assessment and understanding in terms of the social role of the Church. Discussions on the position and role of the Catholic Church in society still go on, and we are far from a conclusive diagnosis, especially regarding our understanding and acceptance of a “model Church” that should function in a democratic and pluralistic society. The final answers remain in the realm of hypotheses and assumptions. The majority of Poles are convinced about the Church’s influence in various spheres of public life, including the political sphere. This view is predominant among almost two thirds of adult Poles, but also among the youth (even to a somewhat greater extent). This means that the Church is perceived by part of Polish society as a quasi‑political institution, or at least one that attempts to fulfill political functions. This view, which is quite popular among Poles, has been maintained at a relatively stable level since 1989. Among those who believe that the Church takes up too much space in the public life of Poland are found those people in whom every reference to public matters results in a rejection reaction, as well as among those who take on a moderate attitude, who consider that it would be better if the Church were less involved in matters of public life, particularly political. Most Poles accepts the principle of separation of Church and state, even though close to half of those surveyed have nothing against authorities who follow the Catholic social teaching. The views of many Poles on the place and role of the Church in the public life of the nation are to a certain extent ambivalent, and even inconsistent and incoherent. A major subject of public controversy is the presence of religious symbols in public life space, although most of Polish society speaks about such symbols with approval.


1999 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark E. Sibicky ◽  
Cortney B. Richardson ◽  
Anna M. Gruntz ◽  
Timothy J. Binegar ◽  
David A. Schroeder ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Andrew R. Kear

Natural gas is an increasingly vital U.S. energy source that is presently being tapped and transported across state and international boundaries. Controversy engulfs natural gas, from the hydraulic fracturing process used to liberate it from massive, gas-laden Appalachian shale deposits, to the permitting and construction of new interstate pipelines bringing it to markets. This case explores the controversy flowing from the proposed 256-mile-long interstate Nexus pipeline transecting northern Ohio, southeastern Michigan and terminating at the Dawn Hub in Ontario, Canada. As the lead agency regulating and permitting interstate pipelines, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission is also tasked with mitigating environmental risks through the 1969 National Environmental Policy Act's Environmental Impact Statement process. Pipeline opponents assert that a captured federal agency ignores public and scientific input, inadequately addresses public health and safety risks, preempts local control, and wields eminent domain powers at the expense of landowners, cities, and everyone in the pipeline path. Proponents counter that pipelines are the safest means of transporting domestically abundant, cleaner burning, affordable gas to markets that will boost local and regional economies and serve the public good. Debates over what constitutes the public good are only one set in a long list of contentious issues including pipeline safety, proposed routes, property rights, public voice, and questions over the scientific and democratic validity of the Environmental Impact Statement process. The Nexus pipeline provides a sobering example that simple energy policy solutions and compromise are elusive—effectively fueling greater conflict as the natural gas industry booms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Alexey L. Beglov

The article examines the contribution of the representatives of the Samarin family to the development of the Parish issue in the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The issue of expanding the rights of the laity in the sphere of parish self-government was one of the most debated problems of Church life in that period. The public discussion was initiated by D.F. Samarin (1827-1901). He formulated the “social concept” of the parish and parish reform, based on Slavophile views on society and the Church. In the beginning of the twentieth century his eldest son F.D. Samarin who was a member of the Special Council on the development the Orthodox parish project in 1907, and as such developed the Slavophile concept of the parish. In 1915, A.D. Samarin, who took up the position of the Chief Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, tried to make his contribution to the cause of the parish reforms, but he failed to do so due to his resignation.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Cochrane

Chapter 3 asks what kinds of institutions are needed to protect the worth and rights of sentient creatures. The chapter’s ultimate claim is that they are best protected by democratic institutions: that is, institutions which are participative, deliberative, and representative, and underpinned by a set of entrenched rights. Crucially, the chapter further argues that those institutions should be comprised of dedicated animal representatives. The job of those representatives should be to act as trustees of the interests of ‘animal members’ of the political community. In other words, their job should be to translate the interests of animals with whom we share a ‘community of fate’ into their deliberations with other representatives over what is in the public good.


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