Northern Italy in the Central Middle Ages

Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter focuses on the political change that took place in the post-Carolingian age, when the collapse of empire encouraged the jurisdictional separation of cities and countryside, until then subject to the same authorities and to the same destiny. Thus, while in the city the community of cives gathered first around their bishop and then around the new communal institutions, the countryside saw the beginning of a proliferation of lords of castles and manorial lords. The result was the development of very different political cultures that were destined to come into conflict with each other as, starting from the 12th century, the citizens of the commune began their political expansion into the surrounding countryside.

Author(s):  
Giovanna Borradori

As the processes of globalization transform cities into nodes of accumulation of financial and symbolic capital, it is fair to assume that urban contexts have never been more vulnerable to the systemic imperatives of the market. It is thus surprising that cities continue to be the site where the deepest social and political transformations come to the surface. What, then, preserves the city as a space of dissent? The claim of this chapter is that a critical reflection on the political agency of Northern and Southern cities has to start from asking what it means today to occupy the pavement of their streets. The argument explored here is that, in this age of molecular neoliberal encroachment and restructuring, it is a certain experience of dispossession, rather than the quest for identification and recognition, that makes the city the core of a shared experience of refuge and resistance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Radosław Linkowski

Abstract The purpose of the paper is to describe changes in support for the four principal political options (‘right’, ‘left’, ‘liberal’, ‘peasant’) available in the Kraków Metropolitan Area (KMA) in parliamentary elections in the period 1993–2011. The electoral behaviour of the residents of the various KMA zones became increasingly similar in the study period. The political ‘distance’ between the northern commuter zone of the KMA (part of the Russian partition in the 19th c.) and the rest of the KMA, decreased significantly. The suburban zone of Kraków also changed over the course of the study period by becoming significantly similar to the city in terms of voting behaviour. This political change was largely due to substantial social and economic changes in the rural parts of the metropolitan area. Urban areas in the KMA were much more stable in their voting patterns and tended to politically resemble one another much more than rural areas. The city of Kraków and the southern part of its commuter zone – part of the Austrian partition in the 19th c. – were characterized by fewer fluctuations in voting behaviour than the two remaining parts of the KMA.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Andrea Nicolotti

Resumen: En la Edad Media, había una gran variedad de sudarios venerados en distintas zonas del mundo cristiano. El sudario de Oviedo, tejido en torno al siglo VIII d.C, aparece registrado en las fuentes a partir del último cuarto del siglo XI y forma parte de las reliquias conservadas en la catedral de la ciudad. Su existencia puede considerarse uno de los efectos de los esfuerzos conjuntos que el clero y la política realizaron para proveer una legitimación histórica y propagandística a la supremacía de la sede de Oviedo. En los últimos cincuenta años, como consecuencia de la poderosa propaganda efectuada por algunos exponentes de una pseudo-ciencia conocida como “sindonología”, el Sudario de Oviedo goza de creciente fama, sobre todo mediática, y es presentado como si fuera una reliquia auténtica, es decir, como el verdadero sudario que envolvió la cabeza de Jesús de Nazaret.Abstract: In the Middle Ages, there was a great variety of shrouds venerated in different parts of the Christian world. The Sudarium of Oviedo, woven around the eighth century AD, is recorded in the sources as from the last quarter of the eleventh century and is one of the relics preserved in the cathedral of the city. Its existence can be considered one of the effects of the joint efforts that the clergy and the political power made to provide a historical and propagandistic legitimation to the supremacy of Oviedo’s bishopric. In the last fifty years, as a result of the powerful propaganda carried out by some exponents of a pseudo-science known as “syndonology”, the Sudarium of Oviedo enjoys a growing fame, especially in the media, and it is presented as if it were an authentic relic, that is, as the true shroud that wrapped the head of Jesus of Nazareth.


Author(s):  
Sally Mayall Brasher

Chapter one locates the rise of the hospital movement in northern Italy within the context of the changing religious, social, and political environment of the city-states. It traces the evolution of the ideas of charity and poverty from the early to high Middle Ages suggesting that a fundamental shift occurred in both the mechanisms of collecting and distributing charity, and in the perception of poverty and need. The chapter introduces the hospital’s central function in this distribution and administration of charity and illustrates how the hospital and other charitable organizations played a role in the appropriation of power and influence by urban citizens.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan B. Forrester

A Complex stratified polity such as that of India, containing a variety of political cultures and a great diversity of political structure, inevitably produces a multitude of styles of political behaviour. Such styles may be the product of different political cultures and processes of recruitment and training, and they interact with each other in significant ways. In particular, the new integrated political system encourages what I call the ‘percolation of style’ from one stratum of the system to another. The percolating process flows in two-ways—from the national arena to the local, and vice versa—and the process itself affects the nature of political styles. A style which was appropriate and effective in one arena will need adaptation if it is to meet the distinctive challenges of a different stratum in the political system. Percolation thus involves modification of style, and the whole process may be viewed as the gradual development of new styles responsive to the demands of new situations. Inevitably this leads to multitudinous tensions, destructive or creative, but the process is thus an integral part of political change and an understanding of stylistic percolation is an important key to the understanding of the nature and direction of political development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oli Mould

This paper articulates the subversive and political potential of an object-orientated view of urban creativity. Drawing upon object-orientated philosophies, it further develops the political and subversive potential of the creativity rhetoric to argue that nonhuman material agency is an important factor in propelling subversive behaviour into sustained political change. By focusing on the agency of objects and their ability to challenge our own behaviour in the city, the paper posits a three-stage articulation of subversive creativity; the spark, the spread and ethics. From this, the paper argues that creativity can be posited less as a mechanism of change that is all too often co-opted and reappropriated by normalising forces, but as a subversive force that has a potential to create alternative and sustained political subjectivities.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Hassan Suhail

  In the Islamic era through the inscription of  he economic and political history of the city Andiraba  of the  Code of money multiplied by the city's historical information codified for the first time did not record it contemporary historical sources, the study showed that the city rotation on its local families governor the authority of the 'Abbasid caliphate under the supervision of the samanid principality that ruled the territory  is an important financial center in Andiraba what is behind the river period (261-389e/874-998m),the city  of  Islamic era, where it mines silver metal silver center Lasik dirhams in the territory of the Islamic East without the money to the princes of the city and the dates of their judgment as well as the names of the rulers of the Islamic Emirates that ruled the Islamic East in the Middle Ages     


Author(s):  
V. V. KRAPIVINA

This chapter examines Olbia during the first century to the fourth century AD. In the middle of the first century BC, Olbia was attacked by the Geto-Dacians of Burebista. Those inhabitants who survived the attacked fled from Olbia, causing the life at the city to come to an end for several decades. The Olbiopolitans were assumed to have taken refuge in other Greek communities and friendly barbarian areas. One of the places of refuge for the fleeing Greeks was the lower Dneiper with its Hellenized population. By the end of the first century BC, Olbia saw the resettlements. The Greeks returned to their old location, a process catalyzed by political change in the region and by the new unity among the citizens of Olbia. In 44 BC after the death of Burebista, his regime in Olbia collapsed and from 29 BC, the Romans pacified the Geta-Dacians who continually posed threats in the neighbouring communities. Meanwhile the settlements in the lower Dnieper were under pressure from the Samartians who were moving westwards. This movement caused Olbia and its immediate environs to be vacated once again by the Greeks who were avoiding the pressure by moving southwards. The city was established once again in the latter centuries wherein the renewal of the Olbia city was facilitated by Greeks and Hellenized Scythians.


2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 345-348
Author(s):  
Josette A. Baer

AbstractSelbst als Historiker erschrickt man ob der Einsicht, dass gewisse Voraussetzungen für das Auseinanderdriften der politischen Kulturen innerhalb Europas bis in die Spätantike zurückreichen und dass sich das sozialokonomische West-Ost-Gefalle von heute bereits im spaten Mittelalter abzeichnet (Goehrke, p. 741). <?CTRLerr type="1" mess="PBlanc posé à Verifier !" ?> (Even historians are surprised by the insight that certain conditions responsible for the gap between the political cultures of Europe reach back to the late Antique and that the contours of today's socio-economic declivity of East and West emerge in the late Middle Ages.)


2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
IDO ISRAELOWICH

IntroductionThe reign of Marcus Aurelius, although he was acclaimed by ancient and modern commentators as an exemplary ruler, saw many calamities. Marcus was preoccupied with wars for the better part of his reign; the pestilence brought back to Rome from the east by Verus and the Roman army remained endemic in the city for many years to come, and the German wars from the late 160s well into the next decade posed great danger to Rome and caused great anxiety. In addition, a coup was executed. The usurper, Avidius Cassius, was the ruler of the Roman East for three months, enjoying support amongst the local population. After Verus’ death, the emperor embarked on war against the German tribes, but not before summoning priests and magicians from all over the world to help him, many of whom came from provinces far and wide. This attentiveness of Marcus Aurelius to religious issues (the representation of religious themes on his coins and monuments and his religious policy as a whole) introduced some changes to the Roman imperial tradition. Moreover his adaptation of policies that reflected new beliefs and the abandonment of old ones, was indicative of the political, social, and cultural developments during his reign. The desperation of the emperor is made most visible in the pages of Lucian’s Alexander.


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