Environmental Policy and the Economic Crisis

2018 ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
Jakob Skovgaard ◽  
Roger Hildingsson ◽  
Bengt Johansson
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Policy ◽  
Climate Policy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Path Dependence ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Ecological Modernization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
The Government

This chapter employs qualitative analysis to apply the Index of Policy Activity (IPA) to climate policy in Sweden and Demark—two countries often identified as environmental leaders. It finds that the economic crisis that started in 2007–8 had substantial impacts in both states. However, Denmark, which was hit harder and for a much longer period of time than Sweden, witnessed more dismantling of its environmental policy. The analysis suggests that in both countries the political orientation of the government and changes of government proved to be key factors shaping policy ambition. Path dependence, manifested in an entrenched commitment to ecological modernization, helped to maintain support for progressive environmental policy. International pressure was also central in pushing Sweden in particular to express leadership and to promote ambitious climate policy.

scholarly journals Argentinien nach dem Zusammenbruch des neoliberalen Modells

2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (138) ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Dieter Boris ◽  
Ingo Malcher
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Growth Rates ◽  
High Growth ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Elements ◽  
Reconstruction Process ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Starting from the deep financial and economic crisis, which took place in Argentina towards the end of 2001, the political, economical and societal reconstruction phases up to early 2005 are briefly summarized. Especially the government of Kirchner - in office since May 2003 - set new priorities in several fields of politics, e.g. human rights, the attitude towards the IMF and the foreign creditors, as well as foreign policy. Many structural elements and legacies of the neoliberal era, however, are still very present even three years after the collapse. In spite of the high growth rates in the last two years the reconstruction process has to be qualified as fragile and reversible. Compared to 2002 the social movements appear mainly weakened today. Whether the Kirchner government will succeed in establishing a more social and law abiding type of capitalism, remains to be seen, since a durable change of power relations in favour of progressive forces has not been realized.

Ruling party will look inwards ahead of Burundi polls

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Fourth Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Political dynamics ahead of 2020 elections. Significance The government has launched talks with CNARED, a forum of opposition parties, to negotiate the return of its exiled leaders ahead of the 2020 presidential elections. President Pierre Nkurunziza, who has said he will not run for a fourth term, appears to be cautiously reaching out to the opposition in an effort to ease his regime’s diplomatic isolation and deepening economic crisis. Impacts The 2020 elections will likely see continued heavy human rights violations and restrictions on the political space. CNARED’s mooted return might increase tensions, rights violations and repression, especially once they try to campaign outside Bujumbura. Burundi’s crisis weighs heavily on regional security, especially in Congo’s South Kivu Province; the elections might exacerbate this.

scholarly journals Restitution in the context of institutional lock-in

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 153-175
Author(s):  
Magdalena Załęczna
Keyword(s):  
Path Dependence ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Legal Documents ◽  
The Government ◽  
Polish Economy ◽  
Lock In

Abstract This article presents the problem of lack of restitution in Poland in the political, social and economic context. The author presents the theory of institutional lock-in, referring to the hitherto course of the political, social and economic transformation processes in Poland. She is focusing on the research problem in form of an institutional lock-in on the route to general restitution process. The author examines the path shaping and path dependence to understand the current negative attitude toward restitution presented by the government and society. The author also indicates the costs caused by lack of restitution. Through analysis of past attempts of restitution regulations the author indicates the most important flashpoints. A hypothesis constructed by the author focuses on the negative effects of institutional lock-in, lack of restitution increases transaction costs influencing the Polish economy. The study is based on the legal documents and the results of public opinion polls.

scholarly journals The Political Legitimacy of the Healthcare System in Portugal: Insights from the European Social Survey

Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Maria Asensio
Keyword(s):  
Health System ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Private Households ◽  
The Government

This article investigates the political legitimacy of the health care system and the effects of austerity on the population’s welfare, paying particular attention to Portugal, a country severely harmed by the economic crisis. Based on analysis of data collected from the European Social Survey on 14,988 individuals living in private households during the years between 2002 and 2018, the findings of this study aim to analyze the social and political perception of citizens on the state of health services in two distinctive periods—before and after the economic crisis, according to self-interest, ideological preferences, and institutional setup as predictors of the satisfaction with the health system. The results demonstrate a negative attitude towards the health system over the years, a consistent drop during the financial crisis period, and a rapid recovery afterward. The research also shows that healthcare evaluations depend on the perceived institutional effectiveness in the citizenry’s eyes. The more the citizens perceive the government as effective and trust-worthy, the more they are satisfied with the health system. Also, differences in healthcare evaluations among social groups were felt unequally: while vulnerable citizens were more affected by the Government’s plan of austerity measures for health reform, healthcare evaluations of better-off social groups—younger individuals, those with higher incomes, higher education, and better health status—did not decline. This study contributes to the academic debate on the effects of austerity on the population’s welfare attitudes and highlights the need to examine the different impacts of reforms introduced by the crisis on social groups.

scholarly journals Iraqi Woman Political situation in Quota Framework after 2003

2019 ◽  
pp. 421-438
Author(s):  
م.م.انور اسماعيل خليل
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
The Government

Abstract Since 2003. Iraq has begun a new phase in its modern history, which was after a long period of tyranny, repression of freedom of expression, and women were no better off than men; they suffered marginalization and exclusion, but after the fall of the former regime and the adoption of a parliamentary system of government, The level of participation in the government; where it approved the share of women in the legislative authority called "quota" which reflects the legislative level of a certain proportion of the seats in Parliament, amounting to 25%, and this is approved by the Iraqi constitution for 2005. But it is noticeable that women in parliament did not work within the quota; in other words they belonged to the political parties or blocs, and therefore their decisions were not independent of these parties or blocks and the women serve independently, and did not succeed any attempt to form a unified feminist bloc within Parliament, reflect their political orientation, and on the other hand, the parties to which these women belong did not have a role in leading any of their women electoral lists, as well as the presidency of a party or bloc, and this of course may be due to several reasons, the most important: those values or community Altawilat Which prevent women from taking over Leadership, and other reasons, but it is generally observed that there is inequality in favor of the subsequent phase after 2003. From the previous that there is an escalation towards this political participation in general as well as its share in the seats in parliament, "quota." This has been addressed in the framework of the two studies that are starting from the study because of the existence of a research problem, centered on the following question: Is the woman, has been able to invest the approved percentage of "quota" within the political processThe first topic and the scientific necessity dealt with several issues. First, the concept of political participation, especially the political participation of women, which touched upon several definitions, can give a clear picture of this concept. The second, The participation of women political, in terms of those conventions and international conventions and treaties that approved this participation, and the system of kota, the third topic, has dealt with the politicalparticipation of Iraqi women in the permanent Iraqi constitution in 2005. The second topic dealt with the reality of such participation in the framework of parliament authority after 2003. The conclusion was to answer the research question that was behind the Study

The Political Economy of National Climate Policy: Cases of U.S.A., Germany and Japan

2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-203
Author(s):  
Soonjae Shin
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Environmental Policy ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Climate Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
The Political ◽  
Design And Implementation ◽  
Political Dominance ◽  
Policy Making Process

A growing amount of literature in the political economy suggests that the implementation of an environmental policy is limited due to the complexity of the interests of different interest groups and the political dominance of the polluting industries. This paper examines this insufficient implementation of an environmental concept in the case of the climate policy in the U.S.A., Germany and Japan. The focuses of this analysis are the choice, design and implementation of climate policy instruments in these countries. Starting from the fact that interest groups in the policy-making process prefer different policy instruments, the analysis shows which interests are enforced via which political instrument.

scholarly journals STATUTE NOTE

2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Coldham
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Fair Compensation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Statutory Basis

LAND ACQUISITION AMENDMENT ACT, 2000 (ZIMBABWE)Since Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 the issue of land reform and, in particular, the issue of land acquisition and redistribution has seldom been off the political agenda. For the first ten years of independence there were constitutional constraints on the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, but the National Land Policy of 1990 set out plans for an accelerated programme of resettlement. In order to achieve its ambitious targets the government of Zimbabwe saw the need to strengthen its powers of compulsory acquisition both by amending section 16 of the Constitution (which provided strong protection against the compulsory acquisition of property) and by enacting the Land Acquisition Act to provide a statutory basis for the new policy. These reforms were extremely controversial both inside and outside the country and a clause excluding the right to fair compensation for expropriated land was dropped partly in response to international pressure.

scholarly journals Making Up Soldiers: The Role of Statistical Oversight and Reactive Path Dependence in the Effectiveness of Canada’s WWII Mobilization Program 1940-1943

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott N Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Path Dependence ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Policies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World

This paper demonstrates the relationship between specific surveillance technologies and state actors’ capacity to assert governmentally ascribed social categories, and their associated performances, onto individuals and populations. During the Second World War in Canada, the government passed legislation to conscript individuals into the Armed Forces. The program commenced in 1940, mandating a registration of all those over the age of sixteen. The conscription of men classified to be “mobilized” began soon after, however, the effectiveness of the National Registration and mobilization system to conscript these identified individuals increased dramatically with the adoption of a new set of surveillance technologies in March 1942. These changes led to significant increases in the number of men that were conscripted per month after 1942, pointing to the capacity of these new policies and technologies to assert greater statistical oversight over system staff and its targeted populations. These surveillant practices and technologies also prompted the development of a form of reactive path dependence. Together, these two points served as key factors which worked to alter the observable performances of individuals classified for conscription.

scholarly journals Coronomics, Financial support for the Economy and its Zombie-ing (In the Context of the Fifth Factor of Production)

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 6-23
Author(s):  
V. Papava ◽  
M. Chkuaseli
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Special Functions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Character ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economy and the corresponding atypical economic crisis, the role of the economic ability of the government during this crisis, aspects of financial support for the economy and the peculiarities of the zombie economy. The aim of the study is to research the actions of the economic ability of the government as an independent factor of production in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, contributing to the unfolding of the process of zombie-ing the economy. The research uses the methods of deduction and induction, analysis and synthesis, analogy and abstraction. The special functions of the government are considered within the context of the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic; particularly, we refer to the recognition of the fifth factor of production of the economic ability of the government. The main features of this atypical crisis are characterized. It is shown that the process of deglobalization during the COVID-19 pandemic characterizes the deglobalization of the economic ability of the government and that this process is temporary, since overcoming the global phenomenon of the pandemic and the economic crisis caused by it requires exclusively global efforts and measures. Particular attention is focused on the financial support of the economy from the economic ability of the government within the context of this economic crisis. The conclusion is that this support contributes to the process of zombie-ing the economy which took on a global character during the global financial and economic crisis of 2007–2009 and continued after its completion. Zombie-ing the economy is the result of a conflict between the political interests of the government and its economic ability when the latter is not able to overcome the barrier created by the former. A solution to this problem is possible through changes in bankruptcy legislation when its main principle of avoiding the unwanted bankruptcy of firms will be replaced by the principle of liquidation of unviable firms. Such a change in bankruptcy legislation can be implemented only during the economic upswing.

The 1956 Strike of Middle-Class Professionals

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Avi Bareli ◽  
Uri Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Intermediate Position ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wage Gaps ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

This article assumes, first, that during the 1950s the government, the trade union Histadrut, and the political party Mapai situated themselves in an intermediate position between the Ashkenazi public and the recently arrived Mizrahi immigrants. Second, it assumes that the right and center-right public forces, such as the General Zionist and Herut parties, and the influential liberal-oriented newspaper Ha’aretz played key roles in the evolution of ethnic relations during this period and impacted the political orientation of the Ashkenazi middle class. It examines these assumptions by considering the part played by the right, the center-right, and the Mapai government during a prolonged conflict between the Ashkenazi academic middle class and the government during the mid- 1950s. This dispute centered on the appropriate extent of the wage gaps set between the salaries of the new Ashkenazi academic middle class and those of the new Mizrahi proletariat.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document