scholarly journals Iraqi Woman Political situation in Quota Framework after 2003

2019 ◽  
pp. 421-438
Author(s):  
م.م.انور اسماعيل خليل

Abstract Since 2003. Iraq has begun a new phase in its modern history, which was after a long period of tyranny, repression of freedom of expression, and women were no better off than men; they suffered marginalization and exclusion, but after the fall of the former regime and the adoption of a parliamentary system of government, The level of participation in the government; where it approved the share of women in the legislative authority called "quota" which reflects the legislative level of a certain proportion of the seats in Parliament, amounting to 25%, and this is approved by the Iraqi constitution for 2005. But it is noticeable that women in parliament did not work within the quota; in other words they belonged to the political parties or blocs, and therefore their decisions were not independent of these parties or blocks and the women serve independently, and did not succeed any attempt to form a unified feminist bloc within Parliament, reflect their political orientation, and on the other hand, the parties to which these women belong did not have a role in leading any of their women electoral lists, as well as the presidency of a party or bloc, and this of course may be due to several reasons, the most important: those values or community Altawilat Which prevent women from taking over Leadership, and other reasons, but it is generally observed that there is inequality in favor of the subsequent phase after 2003. From the previous that there is an escalation towards this political participation in general as well as its share in the seats in parliament, "quota." This has been addressed in the framework of the two studies that are starting from the study because of the existence of a research problem, centered on the following question: Is the woman, has been able to invest the approved percentage of "quota" within the political processThe first topic and the scientific necessity dealt with several issues. First, the concept of political participation, especially the political participation of women, which touched upon several definitions, can give a clear picture of this concept. The second, The participation of women political, in terms of those conventions and international conventions and treaties that approved this participation, and the system of kota, the third topic, has dealt with the politicalparticipation of Iraqi women in the permanent Iraqi constitution in 2005. The second topic dealt with the reality of such participation in the framework of parliament authority after 2003. The conclusion was to answer the research question that was behind the Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zul Fadli

Abstrak: Artikel ini ingin mengetahui orientasi politik Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) setelah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah melalui peraturan pemerintah (Perpu) No 2 tahun 2017, sebagai pengganti Undang-Undang No 17 Tahun 2013 tentang Organisasi kemasyarakatan. Orientasi politik merupakan sikap yang dimiliki seorang individu maupun kelompok dalam interaksinya dengan kehidupan politik yang meliputi, sikap, nilai dan prilaku politik Pemerintah melalui kementerian hukum dan HAM mencabut status badan hukum organisasi HTI. Pencabutan status badan hukum HTI dilatar belakangi karena idiologi dan aktivitas yang dilakukan oleh HTI bertentangan dengan Pancasila dan negara kesatuan republik Indonesia (NKRI). Sebagai sebuah organisasi sosial-keagamaan keberadaan Hizbut Tahrir sudah berlangsung sejak lama di Indonesia. HTI memiliki struktur anggota, kaderisasi, aktivis, simpatisan yang cukup solid dan konsisten memperjuangkan berdirinya khilafah Islamiyah. Oleh karena itu, ketika organisasi mereka dibubarkan oleh pemerintah, anggota, kader, aktivis, dan simpatisan eks HTI, ke arah manakah orientasi politiknya setelah dibubarkan. Pertanyaan penelitian ini ingin menjawab kemanakah orientasi politik eks Hizbut Tahrir setelah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah. Tujuannya untuk mengetahui dan membandingkan kearah mana orientasi politiknya dengan gerakan islamis lainnya yang pernah dibubarkan oleh pemerintah pada masa-masa sebelumnya. Kata Kunci: Orientasi Politik, Hizbut Tahrir, Perpu   Abstact: This article explains the political orientation of Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) after it was dissolved by the government through government regulation (Perpu) No. 2 of 2017, substitute ordinance No. 17 of 2013 about Community Organizations. The government through the Ministry of Law and Human Rights revoked the legal status of the HTI organization. The revocation of the legal status of HTI is motivated by the ideology and activities carried out by HTI in conflict with the Pancasila and the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). As a socio-religious organization the existence of Hizbut-Tahrir has been going on for a long time in Indonesia. HTI has a fairly solid member structure, regeneration, activists, sympathizers and, fight for the Islamic Khilafah. Therefore, when their organization was dissolved by the government, members, cadres, activists, and sympathizers of the former HTI, in what direction was their political orientation after it was dissolved. Political orientation is the attitude of an individual or group in their interactions with political life which includes political attitudes, values ​​and, behavior. This research question wants to answer where the political orientation of the former Hizbut-Tahrir was after it was dissolved by the government. The aim is to find out and compare the direction of political orientation with other Islamic movements that have been dissolved by the government in previous periods. Keywords: Political Orientation, Hizbut Tahrir, Government Regulation


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


Author(s):  
Jakob Skovgaard ◽  
Roger Hildingsson ◽  
Bengt Johansson

This chapter employs qualitative analysis to apply the Index of Policy Activity (IPA) to climate policy in Sweden and Demark—two countries often identified as environmental leaders. It finds that the economic crisis that started in 2007–8 had substantial impacts in both states. However, Denmark, which was hit harder and for a much longer period of time than Sweden, witnessed more dismantling of its environmental policy. The analysis suggests that in both countries the political orientation of the government and changes of government proved to be key factors shaping policy ambition. Path dependence, manifested in an entrenched commitment to ecological modernization, helped to maintain support for progressive environmental policy. International pressure was also central in pushing Sweden in particular to express leadership and to promote ambitious climate policy.


Author(s):  
Yan Xu

The fourth chapter operates as a deviation from the previous chapter by looking at a literary perspective of the soldier image through works by writers with direct army or combat experiences. Moreover, this chapter also aims to examine how these writers managed to assert their own influence as social critics, to achieve personal independence, and to advocate for women’s political participation. Xu offers a close reading of three different literary works, including one by a female soldier who had studied at Whampoa Military Academy, in order to critically inspect the gendered images of soldiers and advocate for the participation of women within the political and social sphere of the time.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Badran

AbstractTo maintain political stability and to preserve the plurality and the diversity that characterise its societies, consociational democracies require, more than other states, a grand coalition government. In this type of democracy, the grand coalition is not a model that is used in exceptional cases, as in majoritarian democracies. It is a deliberate and permanent political choice. In Lebanon, following the modifications implemented by the 1989 Ṭā’if Accord, the Constitution instituted a collegial power-sharing within the executive that implies the establishment of a grand coalition which enables the political participation of the main Lebanese religious confessions in the government. On the other hand, the formation of the Lebanese Council of ministers since the spring of 2005 has become increasingly difficult and coalitions are often less stable than in the past. These laborious negotiations for unstable governmental coalitions are especially problematic in what may be called the perversion of the constitutional procedure by leaders of the parliamentary blocs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 3175-3183
Author(s):  
Ida Wahyuni Iskandar

The struggle of women to actualize themselves in the political arena is very difficult since the situation that always accompanies is even an obstacle for them to move freely. Meanwhile, political reform which occurred in Indonesia has certainly given great opportunity to women to participate. In this study, the sampling technique is purposive sampling. The analysis technique used in this study is using interactive model analysis. The results of the research are vote casting the most basic of political participation which women are already involved in general election to vote for governor of East Kalimantan. They have realized that their vote determines the future of their region. For this the simplest form of political participation, most of the women in East Kalimantan have performed their right.The role of the participation of women activists is important in inviting women in East Kalimantan to participate in general elections. To increase activist women's participation is not only the responsibility of one party. Political education for women needs to be held more widely, not only for certain groups. Efforts to increase women's participation in politics certainly need systemic collaboration from various parties from the government, political parties, and community organizations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 1457-1461
Author(s):  
Hamida Bibi

Abstract The current study was conducted to indicate the numerous factors active behind the scanty political participation of women parliamentarians in parliamentary processions. For the collection of data for the current study, women parliamentarians and women’s rights activists were interviewed.  Semi-structured in-depth interview was used as research tool for data collection. For the analysis of data, the tool of Thematic Analysis, developed by Braun and Clarke (2015), was used. The findings of the study highlight some socio-political obstacles such as the lack of educational adeptness and political shrewdness, representing minority or reserved quota, the patriarchal and male-dominant model of politics, party politics, etc. are impeding the effective participation of women parliamentarians. All this has upset to work freely and securely dissuading women’s political achievements. In the light of the findings of the study, the author recommends society changing its attitude towards women politics. Women participation in politics ought to be encouraged at the cost of the abolition of patriarchy in politics. The government should help women parliamentarians. In order to be adept and astute, special trainings and sessions shall be arranged for women parliamentarians. Political parties should clearly policy in this regard avoiding party politics and the supremacy of some political figures.  


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dhyah Ayu Retno Widyastuti ◽  
Mustika Kuri Prasela

Abstract: Women’s participation in politics is very low particularly because of the situation in which women are marginalized both in terms of voters and candidates. In this sense, voter education based on gender perspective is one of the significance ways to increase women’s political awareness. Pocket comic is seen as a media that can be used to achieve such awareness. This study examines the effectiveness of comic as an aid used in voter education in order to increase political participation of women as evaluators. This study found that pocket comic could be well understood by married women who received information from the media. Those women had also been trained by the Government and the PKK in the elections training through which they were stimulated to have gender awareness and then internalize it in their life.


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