Autocracy Promotion

Author(s):  
Antje Kästner

By analogy with democracy promotion, this chapter explores the concept of autocracy promotion, referring to policy measures that have the potential to influence another country’s political system with a view to hampering democratization processes or to fostering autocratic regimes. Initially, it is explained that, although autocracy promotion empirically represents nothing new, the term only entered the scientific discourse following the colour revolutions in the former Soviet Union. Subsequently, a narrow and a wide definition of autocracy promotion are presented and illustrated with examples. Political autocracy promotion is focused on potential mobilization events like elections or mass protests and employs the same mechanisms that autocrats employ internally to consolidate their power: they co-opt or suppress the opposition and manipulate public opinion in favour of the incumbent. In contrast, development-oriented autocracy promotion encompasses all measures that potentially enhance the performance of a non-democratic government, thus helping it to stay in power.

2001 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese

It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’ (1). The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’ (2). In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the CPSU nomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others (3).


2020 ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Людмила Ивановна Ярица

Рассматривается вопрос преподавания русского языка как иностранного в техническом вузе России. Актуальность темы обусловлена ростом числа иностранных студентов в российских вузах и необходимостью скорейшего овладения ими русским языком. Описаны особенности изучения русской научной лексики, терминологического аппарата технических дисциплин, в частности языка математики, иностранными студентами, обучающимися на подготовительном отделении Томского государственного архитектурно-строительного университета. Проведен лингвистический эксперимент, в ходе которого студентам был предложен диктант, изобилующий научной лексикой; описаны результаты, а также нарушения произношения и написания терминов, так как главную трудность представляет именно изучение лексики научного стиля речи. Выявлены и описаны, структурированы особенности отступлений от нормы, предложены варианты работы по реализации программы отработки навыков нормативного письма иностранными студентами. Достаточно трудным является определение границы слова, написание букв в конце слова, восприятие шипящих согласных, парных согласных по глухости/звонкости, мягкости/твердости; определение рода имен существительных (в большинстве языков народов бывшего Советского Союза нет категории рода). В связи с этим возникает необходимость тщательно продумывать типы упражнений в соответствии с потребностью учащихся и их последовательность. The issue of teaching Russian as a foreign language in a technical university in Russia is considered. The relevance is due both to the increase in the number of foreign students in Russian universities and the need for them to master the Russian language as soon as possible in order to continue their studies in Russian. The aim of the work is to describe the features of mastering Russian scientific vocabulary, the terminology of technical disciplines, in particular, the language of mathematics by foreign students studying at the preparatory department of the Tomsk State University of Architecture and Civil Engineering (Building). A linguistic experiment was carried out, when students were offered to write a dictation, replete with scientific vocabulary. The results, as well as violations of pronunciation and spelling of terms have been described, since the main difficulty is precisely the study of the vocabulary of the scientific style of speech. The peculiarities of deviations from the standard were also identified, structured, and described. Options for the implementation of the program for the development of normative writing skills by foreign students were proposed. Rather difficult is the definition of the word boundary, writing letters at the end of a word, the perception of hissing consonants, paired consonants (unvoiced – voiced), soft – hard; determination of the gender of a noun (in most languages of the former Soviet Union there is no category of gender). This requires the necessity of elaborate thinking over the exercise types and their sequence in accordance with students’ needs. This work continues a series of methodical publications, the main aim of which is improving the quality of foreign student education in technical universities of Russia.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Varese

It is difficult to discuss a phenomenon when one does not know precisely what it is. This problem is particularly vexing in the case of the Mafia. It has been argued that ‘the need for a definition [of the Mafia] is crucial; not just for any definition with some degree of contingent empirical plausibility, but for a definition with some analytical clout’. The word ‘Mafia’ itself has travelled far to distant lands, such as the former Soviet Union. For instance, according to Arkadii Vaksberg, Russian journalist and author of The Russian Mafia, the Mafia is ‘the entire soviet power-system, all its ideological, political, economical and administrative manifestations’. In an article published in a magazine for British executives dealing with Russia, the label Mafiosi is used to lump together bureaucrats, smugglers from the Caucasus, the cpsunomenklatura accused of embezzling state funds, the late British businessman Robert Maxwell and many others.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 208-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jure Vidmar

In the 1990s, international legal scholarship was marked by democratic idealism and the belief that democracy had become the only legitimate political system. The more radical proposals even speculated about legality of pro-democratic intervention. Such re-conceptualizations of international law were met with determined criticism. However, even skeptical voices were willing to admit that democracy nevertheless did have some limited normative force in post-Cold War international law. While it would be an exaggeration to say that nondemocratic governments are illegitimate per se, a consensus started to emerge that international law prohibited at least a coup against a democratic government. In the absence of a workable definition of substantive democracy for international law purposes, a democratic government was understood as an authority which comes to power in an electoral process that is reasonably free and fair.


Author(s):  
Jurate Morkuniene

The definition of social identity consists of two parts. First, it means protection against threats to the nation’s existence and well-being. Second, it means the search for measures and possibilities to achieve the goals of social development and improvement. Social identity implies the creation and preservation of conditions in which each citizen can develop as educated, creative and responsible persons. Today, especially for nations throughout the former Soviet Union, the chief danger to social identity lies in the adverse conditions of continued underdevelopment. It follows that for these nations, identity means first of all development. The essential condition for a small nation’s identity and survival is based on the people’s resolution to rely on themselves and to envision the potential for their own country. The modern strategy for ensuring social identity would essentially rely on the principle that every citizen is part of the national identity, i.e., its active agent. For this reason, of central importance is the creation of equal starting possibilities (equality of opportunities) for everyone.


1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-101
Author(s):  
Mark Ellingsen ◽  

This article explores the often neglected impact on the American political system of Scottish Common Sense Realism and an Augustinian anthropology drawn from both this Scottish philosophy and the American culture's Puritan/Presbyterian roots. Such insights help us better understand the dynamics of the American system and its possible contribution as a paradigm or model for democratization in the communist world Significant differences between America and the communist world with respect to their distinct intellectual and cultural histories seem to preclude the applicability of the American system to post-communist nations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Yet theological convergences among the prevailing religious traditions of these nations and America suggest that the Augustinian anthropological realism of the American system may have relevance to communist world cultures after all.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yvonne Porzgen

The official Soviet narrative of the Second World War used the concept of heroism to imbue war commemoration with an obligation towards the state. Such a concept was designed to make subsequent generations feel inferior to their predecessors and obliged to give of their best. Today, the victory serves as the strongest connection between Soviet and modern Russian patriotism. The paper argues that the memory of the Siege of Leningrad (1941-1944) as treated in museums in St Petersburg today is an appropriation by present-day Russian propaganda of the Soviet narrative. Soviet memorial sites are developed to foster support for Russia rather than the former Soviet Union. While the use of the heroic paradigm continues, the definition of heroism has changed to include each and everybody who suffered during the Siege. With collective heroism as the leading image, a critical view of the historic events becomes all but impossible. The paper makes references to the alternative narratives of literature, memoirs and diaries to contrast the version of the Siege presented in the museum exhibitions.


The article emphasizes the concept of neopatrimonial political regimes for specific features highlighting of political communications in third world countries since on the Afro-Asian material the traditional science-theoretical division into democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes is not effective enough. Behind the formal signs of democratic regimes in many countries of the world, including in the countries of the former Soviet Union, lies the patrimonial logic of their functioning. The characteristic features of neopatrimonial regimes are distinguished: the “gap” between the center and the periphery, the construction of socio-political relations according to the patronage-client scheme, the dominant role of the state in the political system, “privatization” of state functions by representatives of the state-bureaucratic complex, turning them into a source of private income. It is noted that under this conditions in the political-communicative subsystem of the political system the specific model of power-oligarchic space is formed, within which presence of own media channels, the ability to control and censor information flows acquires on a special role. This contributes to the deployment of lobbying and corruption networks, which are becoming an integral mechanism for the functioning of neopatrimonial regimes. The problem of the peculiarity of the lexis in neopatrimonial communications is considered, namely, the widespread use of the so-called invective or obscene vocabulary. It is suggested that it is not caused by low educational or general cultural level of individual political actors, but by the tendency of cultivation the informal aspect of political communications inherent in neopatrimonial regimes. The question is posed that for further research on the specifics of neopatrimonial communications, one of the most promising approaches is the identification of the main models of neopatrimonial regimes and analysis of the features of their development.


Author(s):  
Gerald J. Postema

Bentham's insistence on simplicity and flexibility in judicial procedure ruled out all fixed rules of procedure and evidence. Procedural rules may be set aside whenever utilitarian considerations warrant it. Bentham also insisted on a wide definition of the judicial role involving a broad grant of discretionary power to the judge. Since Bentham decisively rejected the standard method of binding judicial decision to fixed, pre-existing rules, it was incumbent on him to develop an adequate alternative. This alternative can be found in his doctrine of publicity and the constitutional theory which gives that doctrine institutional expression. This chapter examines Bentham's basic-principles of constitutional design as they apply to adjudication, and the relations between these principles and his psychology and general political theory.


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