Legitimacy

Author(s):  
Daniel Lambach

Legitimacy is closely, if somewhat imperfectly tied to political stability which makes legitimization a persistent challenge for all political systems. However, it would be unwise to characterize autocratic regimes as illegitimate per se—these regimes use a variety of legitimation strategies which they adapt to changing circumstances. This chapter distinguishes between normative and empirical understandings of legitimacy. It discusses the role of empirical legitimacy in upholding political systems and contrasts different taxonomies of legitimation, highlighting the manifold ways through which regimes can generate public support. It shows how a legitimacy crisis can precipitate political transformation but also how new regimes are faced with the same challenge of legitimizing and consolidating their rule.

Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


Author(s):  
E.A AGAFONOVA ◽  

The state in the whole world promotes the development of small and medium-sized businesses, seeing it as the key not only to economic but also political stability in the country. In recent years, the development of small and medium-sized businesses, including in the countryside, is given special attention, supports the development of cooperative processes between them. However, all efforts (organizational and financial) do not give a proper result - not all small and medium-sized enterprises are involved in agricultural cooperatives, the share of participation in output fluctuates at 5% even in the most successful regions in terms of cooperation. Agricultural cooperatives do not have the necessary sources for their development: public funds are not available to everyone, and credit resources also require a certain credit history and own sources of co-financing. The article analyzes the capital structure of Russia's largest and most successful dairy cooperatives, as well as international cooperatives. The author proposed a completely new concept of allocation of public support funds for the development of agricultural cooperatives, aimed at strengthening the role of existing and successful cooperatives.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Boynton ◽  
Gerhard Loewenberg

Systems theorists introduced the concept of ‘support’ to permit explanations of political stability and instability. Yet most attempts to verify the existence of a relationship between support and stability empirically have dealt with wellestablished political systems, and have relied on data collected at one point in time. This paper reports an initial effort to examine the growth of support for a new political regime using a series of sample surveys providing data on changes in the level of support over time.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Laurence Thieux

Este artículo analiza el papel de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil en los procesos de transformación política de varios países del Norte de África. A través de diferentes casos de estudios se analizan experiencias concretas de incidencia política así como su rol en los procesos de movilización colectiva que han impulsado los procesos de reforma o transformación política en estos países. Lejos de presentar un panorama homogéneo, las “primaveras” han acentuado las disparidades y la heterogeneidad que caracteriza la evolución política de las sociedades norteafricanas. Mientras que algunos países han mantenido sus sistemas políticos autoritarios (Argelia), otros han conseguido mantener las estructuras y equilibrios de poderes al adoptar reformas sin cambiar la naturaleza del sistema (Marruecos). Otros (Túnez y Egipto) están inmersos en complejos procesos de transición en los cuales las organizaciones de la sociedad civil han tenido mayor o menor influencia según el caso. This article analyses the role of civil society in the process of political transformation in several countries in North Africa. Through different case studies, concrete experiences of advocacy strategy and the role of CSO in the mobilization of collective actions that have driven reform processes or political transformation in these countries are highlighted. Far from presenting a homogeneous scenario, "Arab Springs" have accentuated disparities and divergences in the political evolution of the North African societies. While some countries have maintained their authoritarian political systems (Algeria), others have managed to maintain the structures and balances of powers and they have tried to adopt reforms without changing the nature of the system (Morocco). Others (Tunisia and Egypt) are involved in complex processes of transition in which civil society organizations have had varying influence accordingly. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Jan Kovář

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 316-321
Author(s):  
Boris I. Ananyev ◽  
Daniil A. Parenkov

The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-104
Author(s):  
Wilfried Warning

Abstract In general, commentators consider Gen 46:8–27 as a secondary addition. Close reading brings to light the structuring role of verses 18 and 25 („these were the sons of Zilpah / Bilhah … and these she bore to Jacob, sixteen souls / seven souls”). In a ten-part outline based on the personal name (PN) „Jacob” v. 18 takes the fourth and v.25 the fourth from last positions. In Genesis 37–50 the noun נפש „soul” occurs thirteen times – now v. 18 takes the sixth and v. 25 the sixth-from-last positions. The thirteen-part table based on the PN „Ruben” stands out for two reasons: Firstly, in Genesis the term „Ruben the first born of Jacob” shows up only twice, namely in the first (34,23) and last (46,8) texts. Secondly, as regards content 37,22 and 42,22 are correlated. In the 13-part outline they take the sixth and sixth-from-last positions respectively. The distinct distribution of these terms indicates that the passage per se is well structured and, what is more, at the same time it has been skillfully integrated in Gen 37–50 and in the Jacob-Joseph cycle.


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Lyubov Sadovskaya

The article presents a new view on the problems of political stability in West African countries. For the first time was carried out a comparative analysis of the sustainability of the political systems of the two Francophone fastest growing countries in West Africa, Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal. The author analyzes the factors negatively influencing political stability social order, and those that reduce conflict potencial in these States. Internal and external threats to the political systems of Senegal and Сôte d’Ivoire are examined. The response of both countries to internal and external challenges is shown. The study proves that while external threats indanger Senegal’s political stability, such as the penetration of religious extremism, the crisis in Casamance, maritime piracy, drug traffic, for Côte d’Ivoire, on the contrary, main risks are internal: electoral, socio-political crises, the split of elites, arms smuggling, banditry. The study demonstrates that the level of social governance in Senegal is higher than in other West African countries, including Сôte d’Ivoire, due to the dualism of the political system: the coexistence of Western-style political institutions with local faiths (tariqas), as well as policy pursued by President M. Sall. aimed at achieving mutual compromise that ensure the peaceful settlement of conflicts and contradictions. The author concludes that a new approach to the development of a security strategy is required.


The issue of political pluralism in our societies is considered one of the critical issues in contemporary political construction, and it has influential implications in the political arena, and its study in the legal policy has become important to control Islamic political action. The results came to confirm that pluralism in Islamic thought has its roots since the first century of the state in Islam And it has two views: The first: Pluralism in political views, which is an award and even a duty within the parameters of enjoining good and forbidding evil and advice. The second: Pluralism in the formation of Islamic political parties, as the principle is that there is no permissibility, and it is resorted to only in the interest of a general and achieved reality that leads to achieving peaceful coexistence and political stability. Keywords: Legitimate politics - political pluralism - Islamic parties - Islamic political thought - political opinions - political systems _________________________________________________ تعد قضية التعددية السياسية في مجتمعاتنا من القضايا المفصلية في البناء السياسي المعاصر ولها تداعيات مؤثرة في الساحة السياسية ، ودراستها في ضوء السياسة الشرعية بات مهما لضبط العمل السياسي الاسلامي . وجاءت النتائج لتؤكد ان للتعددية في الفكر الاسلامي جذورها منذ القرن الاول للدولة في الاسلام ولها صورتان : الاولى : تعددية في الاراء السياسية وهي جائزة بل واجبة ضمن ضوابط الامر بالمعروف والنهي عن المنكر والنصيحة. والثانية : التعددية في تشكيل الاحزاب السياسية الاسلامية فالاصل فيها عدم الجواز ولا يلجأ اليها الا لمصلحة حقيقة عامة متحققة تؤدي الى تحقيق التعايش السلمي والاستقرار السياسي. الكلمات المفتاحية: السياسة الشرعية- التعددية السياسية- الاحزاب الاسلامية - الفكر السياسي الاسلامي- الاراء السياسية- النظم السياسية.


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