The Role of Political Ideas in Multi-Party Elections in Tanzania: Refuting Essentialist Explanations of African Political Systems

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (-1) ◽  
pp. 41-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nyaluke ◽  
Eileen Connoll
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 742-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heinz Eulau ◽  
John C. Wahlke ◽  
William Buchanan ◽  
Leroy C. Ferguson

The problem of representation is central to all discussions of the functions of legislatures or the behavior of legislators. For it is commonly taken for granted that, in democratic political systems, legislatures are both legitimate and authoritative decision-making institutions, and that it is their representative character which makes them authoritative and legitimate. Through the process of representation, presumably, legislatures are empowered to act for the whole body politic and are legitimized. And because, by virtue of representation, they participate in legislation, the represented accept legislative decisions as authoritative. But agreement about the meaning of the term “representation” hardly goes beyond a general consensus regarding the context within which it is appropriately used. The history of political theory is studded with definitions of representation, usually embedded in ideological assumptions and postulates which cannot serve the uses of empirical research without conceptual clarification.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-260
Author(s):  
Pau de Soto ◽  
Cèsar Carreras

AbstractTransport routes are basic elements that are inextricably linked to diverse political, economic, and social factors. Transport networks may be the cause or result of complex historical conjunctions that reflect to some extent a structural conception of the political systems that govern each territory. It is for this reason that analyzing the evolution of the transport routes layout in a wide territory allows us to recognize the role of the political organization and its economic influence in territorial design. In this article, the evolution of the transport network in the Iberian Peninsula has been studied in a broad chronological framework to observe how the different political systems of each period understood and modified the transport systems. Subsequently, a second analysis of the evolution of transport networks in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula is included in this article. This more detailed and geographically restricted study allows us to visualize in a different way the evolution and impact of changes in transport networks. This article focuses on the calculation of the connectivity to analyze the intermodal transport systems. The use of network science analyses to study historical roads has resulted in a great tool to visualize and understand the connectivity of the territories of each studied period and compare the evolution, changes, and continuities of the transport network.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 152-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul F. Steinberg

This article considers the role of generalization in comparative case studies, using as exemplars the contributions to this special issue on climate change politics. As a research practice, generalization is a logical argument for extending one’s claims beyond the data, positing a connection between events that were studied and those that were not. No methodological tradition is exempt from the requirement to demonstrate a compelling logic of generalization. The article presents a taxonomy of the logics of generalization underlying diverse research methodologies, which often go unstated and unexamined. I introduce the concept of resonance groups, which provide a causeway for cross-system generalization from single case studies. Overall the results suggest that in the comparative study of complex political systems, case study research is, ceteris paribus, on par with large-N research with respect to generalizability.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 629-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florence Vienne

François-Vincent Raspail (1794–1878) and Theodor Schwann (1810–1882) postulated—in 1827 and 1838, respectively—that plants and animals consist of, and originate from, cells. Whereas Raspail is mainly remembered for his involvement in the revolutions of 1830 and 1848, little is known about his scientific work. Schwann, by contrast, is regarded as one of the founders of cell theory, but historians of biology have hardly taken his philosophical, religious, and political ideas into account. Paying particular attention to Schwann’s unpublished writings, this paper reconstructs the research agendas of Raspail and Schwann, and contrasts the philosophical and political beliefs and incentives behind them. Whereas Raspail was a proponent of republicanism and materialism, Schwann opposed the modernist agenda of explaining nature and humankind without God, as well a democratic reshaping of society. Contrary to the prevailing historical narrative, this paper argues that cell theory did not emerge exclusively in conjunction with the rise of liberalism and materialism. Rather, the idea of a unifying principle of organic development encompassed different and even antagonistic visions of nature, humankind, society, and the role of religion in science. This essay is part of a special issue entitled REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND BIOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE AND GERMANY edited by Lynn K. Nyhart and Florence Vienne.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 669-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Detlef Sack ◽  
EK Sarter

This article analyses different types of labour clauses in public procurement regulation that have been enacted in Germany, a coordinated market economy that has experienced a ‘neoliberal drift’ including the decline of the traditional governance of labour and contracting out. Based on an analysis of relevant regulations adopted by the 16 Germany federal states, the article corroborates insights into the prominent role of left parties advocating for labour clauses in public procurement on a much broader empirical foundation than previous research. It adds to scholarly knowledge by revealing that the relative comparative advantage of regions with lower wage levels inhibits labour clauses in federal political systems. It finds that centre-right parties are willing to stipulate certain labour clauses in order to protect small-and medium-sized enterprises, which are core parts of their electoral support base.


KANT ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-308
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Sautkin

The article examines the role of cross-border movements in the development of philosophical discourse. The life and work of the Hungarian philosopher Aurel Kolnai, who spent most of his life in emigration, is analyzed. It is noted that the position of "outsidedness", taken by the philosopher, contributed to the formation of original socio-political ideas.


PCD Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Erickson D Calata ◽  
Reginald G. Ugaddan

There are frequent calls to enhance citizens' trust in government to pave the way towards a new paradigm of participatory governance and strong citizen support for government. In various realms, citizens may directly or indirectly engage with the government through various available mediums, even though, despite the availability of various policies and services provided by the government, citizens are generally passive and adamant in trusting the public sector. While many studies have explored a set of determinants that influence citizens' trust in government (i.e., central government, local government, parliament, and the legal system), few studies have ascertained the relationship and the role of social trust, happiness, governance, and political systems. These are critical factors that may influence trust in government. To address this gap, this study draws on the theoretical lens of social capital theory, proposing that cognitive social trust and citizen happiness—environment and performance—are the most likely predictors of citizen trust in government. This study assumes that citizens' perceptions of governance and political systems will moderate the effect of social trust and happiness on trust in government. Using data from the Asia Barometer Survey 2007, and focusing on data collected from the Philippines, this study tests a latent model employing the structural equation modelling technique. It finds that happiness negatively predicts trust in the central government and the legal system, while all other predictors do not have a significant effect. The findings also show that the political system moderates the impact of social trust and happiness on trust in government. Finally, this article points out its theoretical, empirical, and practical implications and provides directions for future research.


2021 ◽  
pp. 95-137
Author(s):  
Laurent Carnis

The bureaucratic organisations became key actors in our contemporary societies. To develop an appropriate theory to understand how these organisations work and their implications constitute true stakes. This article deals with Mises’ theory of bureaucracy, which differs radically from the traditional approaches. The first part presents the definition of the Misesian bureaucracy, which shares some common points with Wéber’s version and shows also true strong disagreements. The absence of economic calculation constitutes the main key idea to understand the Misesian theory. Mises shows also that bureaucracy reflects the governmental interventions, which can be combined with different types of political systems. The second part deals with the consequences of bureaucracy. This part proposes a detailed analysis of the economic, social, political and psychological effects. The third part raises some critical points for the theory. It seems that the conception of bureaucrat and its place inside the bureaucratic organisation is not sufficiently analysed. Moreover, the modelling of the bureaucratic expansion deserves a more refined research. Finally, the justifications given by Mises to justify a minimal bureaucracy emphasize the necessity to think the place and the role of the State. Keywords: Bureaucracy, economic calculation, market process, minimal government. JEL Classification: D73 H11 L38 P11 P21. Résumé: Compte tenu de place importante que prend désormais l’organisation étatique au sein des sociétés contemporaines, l’élaboration d’une théorie économique de la bureaucratie s’avère essentielle pour en comprendre à la fois les mécanismes de fonctionnement et les implications. Cet article revient sur la contribution de Mises, qui par ses travaux, permet d’offrir une réelle alternative aux approches traditionnelles.La première partie de cette contribution présente la théorie de Mises en soulignant ses spécificités par rapport à la conception défendue par Wéber, dont à la fois elle s’inspire et s’en écarte substantiellement. L’absence du calcul économique dans le processus d’allocation des ressources représente une dimension essentielle pour comprendre la théorie proposée. Mises démontre également que l’organisation bureaucratique s’accommode aisément des différents régimes politiques et reflète l’intervention généralisée de l’Etat. La deuxième partie concerne les conséquences de la bureaucratie. Mises distingue quatre effets: les effets économiques, sociaux, politiques et psychologiques. Chaque catégorie fait l’objet d’une présentation détaillée. La troisième partie soulève des points critiques du modèle de la bureaucratie de Mises. Ainsi, sa conception du bureaucrate et sa place au sein de l’organisation bureaucratique nous paraissent faire l’objet d’une élaboration insuffisante. Les mécanismes de l’expansion bureaucratique méritent également un raffinement de l’analyse, tandis que la justification avancée d’une bureaucratie minimale soulève la question de l’existence d’un Etat minimal. Mots clés: Bureaucratie, calcul économique, processus de marché, Etat minimal.


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