Yemen’s Failed Constitutional Transition

Author(s):  
George Anderson

This chapter examines why Yemen’s constitutional transition during the period 2011–15 failed. In 2011 a popular uprising forced Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to resign. Neighboring Arab countries soon got involved in steering the constitutional process, which included a National Dialogue to address the design of a new constitution. The dialogue recommended a new federal regime, but failed to resolve the critical issue of the number and boundaries of states. The document presented in January 2015 by the Constitutional Drafting Committee tasked to draft a new constitution was deeply flawed and became the trigger for civil war. The chapter first considers the context leading up to the National Dialogue before discussing the outcomes of the constitutional process and three lessons that can be drawn from it: the role and design of sub-national governance arrangements; political legitimacy and process in a constitutional transition; and a more integrated approach to transitions.

2017 ◽  
pp. 234-251
Author(s):  
Abdelkader Djeflat

Arab countries face two major challenges resulting from increasing competition from the rest of the world and persistent reliance on mineral resources for their growth. At the same time, sustainable development is increasingly becoming a major concern for world development. In this respect, and from a sustainability point of view, knowledge economy opens up new and more accessible opportunities through the ‘substitution' of physical resources by immaterial resources. This situation raises two fundamental questions: the first one relates to the opportunity of ensuring sustainable development while the knowledge base remains rather weak and policies often short-sighted. The second one is how an integrated approach based on knowledge can strengthen existing knowledge bases and create new ones to further sustainable development. Looking at a sample of advanced countries and Arab countries, this chapter argues that sustainability of growth rests fundamentally on the capability of properly harnessing knowledge.


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. J. Crawford

The Sa⊂ūdī Civil War, which developed after the death of the Imām Faiṣal at al-Riyāḍ in A.H. 1282/A.D. 1865, and which was largely responsible for the debilitation and ultimate demise of the Second Sa⊂ūdī State, has received relatively little attention from either Sa⊂ūdī or Western historians. In neglecting this period, modern Sa⊂ūdī scholars may have been influenced by the consideration which led Wahhābī chroniclers of an earlier generation to provide only cursory treatment of the Civil War in their accounts of Najdī history; the decade between the Imām Faiṣal's death and the resolution of the conflict in 1293/1876, characterised as it was by persistent fraternal rivalry and displays unprincipled political opportunism, does not represent a particularly creditable episode in the history of the āl Sa⊂ūd.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
Ioannis D. Stefanidis

The experience of European small states involved in World War II varied widely. Not all of them entered the war as victims of aggression, and even those that did so did not necessarily share the same dire consequences of warfare and/or foreign occupation; they also exited the war in, sometimes dramatically different ways: a number of small states entered the post-war period relatively peacefully, other were plunged into civil war, while a third category experienced a measure of unrest short of civil strife. It is argued in this paper that, among the factors influencing the outcome of a European small state’s involvement in World War II, the political legitimacy of its government should not be underestimated. The impact of this factor was particularly felt during the sensitive transition period from war and/or occupation into peacetime. Reinterpreting existing material, it is further argued that, during the war, democratic legitimacy increasingly appeared to guarantee a safer ground for both withstanding wartime travails and achieving a relatively smooth restoration of free national institutions, without the risk of civil war.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Graça

BackgroundHuman diet is increasingly acknowledged as a critical issue in global health and sustainability challenges.AimThis article draws on meat consumption and substitution to illustrate how two features facilitate an integrated approach to understanding food behaviour: (1) framing such behaviour in a wider historical, sociocultural and environmental context; and (2) acknowledging the role that psychological processes play in consumer willingness and propensity to engage in a given diet.ConclusionTo mobilize large-scale changes towards healthier and more sustainable dietary choices, the article concludes with a call for developing conceptual, methodological and delivery tools that: (1) consider the context in which food habits take place; and (2) identify and engage with different groups of consumers.


Author(s):  
Ferro Luca ◽  
Ruys Tom

This chapter addresses the intervention in Yemen’s civil war launched by Saudi Arabia on 26 March 2015. The intervention was supported by Gulf Cooperation Council and other Arab countries, and received technical and logistical support from the United States and the United Kingdom. After retracing the origin and development of the internal conflict, the contribution provides an overview of the legal positions of its main protagonists and the reaction (or lack thereof) by other States. Closer scrutiny of the operation’s legality nonetheless reveals that the self-defence justification, which is primarily relied upon, does not provide a convincing legal basis. Moreover, the intervention is problematical from the perspective of the intervention by invitation doctrine and exposes its indeterminacy and proneness to abuse. As a result, the authors argue in the final section that if the concept of ‘counter-intervention’ (as a possible exception to the prohibition on intervention during civil war) is to be more than an empty shell, it should be subject to a proportionality test.


2014 ◽  
Vol 69 (02) ◽  
pp. 311-339
Author(s):  
Nicolas Barreyre

Abstract With its victory in the Civil War, the Union affirmed the primacy of the national sovereignty of the United States. After the conflict, the country was absorbed by the consequences of this momentous event. Yet, even in this context, the monetary policies of the government became contentious and led to the eventual redefinition of sovereignty. This article explores how the American institutional structure and political system allowed the money question to become a spatial issue, opposing the great sections of the country. In turn, this sectionalism triggered a confrontation between alternative understandings of what sovereignty entailed in terms of both political legitimacy and spatial scales. By the end of the century, the scope of sovereign power would be redefined, and currency abandoned as one of its instruments.


2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. M. Gao ◽  
W. C. Bushko

Abstract The cycle time prediction is considered as a critical issue in injection molding. It relates directly to the production rate and the part quality. It is commonly defined as the time duration between the start of the injection and the ejection of the part. When the cycle time exceeds the desired range, the production rate will be compromised. In some cases, due to excessively increased friction force, the part may be subject to severe failure such as breakage during ejection. Another possible situation is that the ejector pins can be damaged because the friction force exceeds the maximum ejection force that the machine can provide through the ejectors. If the part is ejected too early, only a thin layer of polymer is solidified and the ejection may cause the part to be deformed permanently which generally leads to surface defects. For most injection molders, the cycle time is estimated through molding trials, which is very costly and time consuming. In the case of testing a new material, it is even more difficult to determine a proper cycle time ranger due to the lack of knowledge on the material behavior.


Significance The recent focus of their rivalry has been on their competing maritime claims in the eastern Mediterranean and their support for opposing sides in the Libyan civil war. Underlying these contests are Erdogan’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood and his need to shore up domestic support through foreign victories. Impacts The perceived threat from Turkey has spurred Egypt to strengthen its relations with other Arab countries. A Mediterranean anti-Turkey front, including Egypt, France, Cyprus, Greece and Israel, will gain momentum. The rivalry pitting Egypt and its Gulf allies against Turkey and its ally Qatar is set to persist.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 135-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farida Ayari

The coming to power and subsequent loss of the Ennahda in Tunisia after the Jasmine revolution has created one of the most interesting scenarios in the Arab world. In fact, Tunisia has come out as an exception in the larger trend of failing states, civil war and re-emergence of authoritarian military leaders in the post-Arab Spring Arab world. This can be attributed to many factors including the pragmatic approach of the Ennahda leader Rached Gannouchi. The article tries to put the trajectories of Ennahda’s progress towards democratic process in historical perspective and concludes that it was partly the crisis in Egypt and other Arab countries that prompted Ennahda to make important concessions and seek recourse to democratic consensus building.


2018 ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Joseph Bahout

The Lebanese political system is based on a sectarian division of constitutional powers and administrative positions, guaranteeing the representation of certain groups while also contributing to decisionmaking paralysis. The flaws of the sect-based governance system in part led Lebanon into civil war. The 1989 Taif Agreement, which put an end to the war, reshuffled the system. Syria was made the postwar power broker and given guardianship over Lebanon. After Taif, a divisive tension arose between Lebanon’s two main Muslim communities, the Sunnis and Shia. Syria managed the divisions while also exacerbating them. Sunni-Shia frictions sharpened after the assassination of Lebanon’s prime minister and Syria’s 2005 withdrawal from the country. They further intensified with the 2011 outbreak of the Syrian civil war. Today, the Lebanese state is deadlocked. Lebanon has no president, and parliament has been paralyzed since 2013. Many Lebanese seem to believe their system is the least bad option compared with neighbors, but the state’s dysfunction raises doubts about implementing the Lebanese model elsewhere. Time and historical experience have largely rendered sectarianism commonplace in Lebanon, and it is now deeply entrenched in the collective ethos and national behavior. Other Arab countries lack this characteristic. Models of centralized states that rely on a unifying definition of national identity for state building are the rule across the region, and the idea of pan-Arabism has traditionally been more attractive than that of states constructed around subnational identities.


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