‘Solidarity’ versus Values as Drivers of Support for Immigrants’ Access to Social Benefits

Author(s):  
Matthew Wright ◽  
Morris Levy

A large literature argues that ‘inclusiveness’ on the provision of social benefits flows from positive social identification with immigrants on the basis of mutually shared national identity. This chapter, however, argues that ‘identification with’ is perhaps sufficient but not necessary. The evidence demonstrates the limited influence of national identity as a social identity beyond a set of core values: (1) Americans, on average, are willing to extend social benefits to immigrants they do not identify with, and withhold them from those they do; (2) a ‘categorical’ response dominates questions about rights and benefits but not about ‘identity’, indicating that the two are considered differently; (3) a respondent’s own national identity does not necessarily influence how people approach questions about rights and benefits. Americans support or withhold benefits based on whether they see immigrants as living ‘civic’ lives, even if they do not necessarily identify with them on this basis. In terms of normative theory, most Americans are not liberal nationalists, they are simply liberal.

Author(s):  
Ashabul Kahpi

This paper tries to see the position of Pancasila in the reality of nation and state. Pancasila is basically not just a blank slog that appears suddenly, but has the importance of trying to bring together universal values with local wisdom excavated by founding fathers as inclusive core values. That Pancasila is needed for a society that is highly fragmented by tribe, religion, language, and custom, besides the position of Pancasila as the legal norm and the ethics of state administration. No less important is that Pancasila also has significance as a national identity which then differentiates it from other nations. However, this seems to be considered reduced by some circles, especially after the issuance of MPR Decree No. I / MPR / 2003.Keywords: Pancasila, Basic Country and Ideology of the Nation Tulisan ini mencoba melihat kedudukan Pancasila dalam realitas berbangsa dan bernegara. Pancasila pada dasarnya bukan hanya sekedar semboyan kosong yang muncul secara tiba-tiba, akan tetapi memiliki arti penting yang mencoba untuk mempertemukan nilai-nilai universal dengan kearifan lokal yang digali oleh para founding fathers sebagai core values inklusif. Bahwa Pancasila dibutuhkan untuk masyarakat yang sangat terfragmentasi oleh suku, agama, bahasa, maupun adat-istiadat, di samping kedudukan Pancasila sebagai norma hukum dan etika penyelenggaraan negara. Tidak kalah pentingnya adalah bahwa pancasila juga memiliki arti penting sebagai identitas nasional yang kemudian membedakan dari bangsa yang lainnya. Namun, hal ini tampaknya dianggap tereduksi oleh sebagian kalangan terlebih setelah dikeluarkannya TAP MPR No. I/MPR/2003.Kata kunci : Pancasila, Dasar Negara dan Ideologi Bangsa


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-291
Author(s):  
Z. V. Sikevich ◽  
N. G. Skvortsov

Based on the empirical research, the article considers the correlation of national and ethnic identities of the youth of Saint Petersburg. The authors conclusions are based on a series of sociological studies conducted in 1996, 2011 and 2019 by the Laboratory of Ethnic Sociology and Psychology of the Faculty of Sociology of the Saint Petersburg State University under the guidance of Z.V. Sikevich and also on the data of other researchers studying similar issues in different Russian regions. The authors present their interpretation of the structure of national identity and typology of ethnic identities; consider the following forms of correlation of national and ethnic identities - dominant ethnic identity, ethnic radicalism, dominant national identity, ethno-national radicalism, ethnic and national indifference; focus on the rank of national identification in the system of group identities and on the indicators of national consolidation; use content analysis to identify the symbolic interpretations of the words Russia, citizen and patriot; analyze contradictions in the national identity of the youth. The article presents the following most important findings of the study: 1) national (civil) identity dominates other forms of social identification of the youth; 2) in the structure of social identities, confessional identity is insignificant, while there is negative distancing towards representatives of Islam; 3) ethnic and ethno-national radicalism is typical for men; 4) compared to 2011, the positive trend of statist attitudes and the negative trend of critical attitudes to power are obvious; 5) the perceived norm and attitudinal behavior of the youth are not quite consistent; 6) gender affects the level and type of both ethnic and national identity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolien Galle ◽  
Fenella Fleischmann

According to liberal nationalists, sharing a national identity offers a solution to the growing concern that increasing diversity within Western societies might erode solidarity. Based on the national identity framework, a positive relation between peoples’ support for redistribution and their national identification is expected. Partially confirmed among majority group members, the aim of this study is to broaden the perspective and investigate the redistributive attitudes of people with a migration background. Since the social identification of people with a migration background is more complex and tends to be based on belonging to both the nation of residence and a specific ethnic group, we additionally consider the role of ethnic identification. We perform multivariate analyses on data from the Belgian Ethnic Minorities Election Study 2014 (BEMES), a survey conducted among Belgians of Turkish and Moroccan descent. The results confirm our hypothesis about the positive role of national identification. Ethnic identification, on the contrary, is negatively related to support for redistribution and particularly the combination of a low attachment to the country of residence and strong attachment to the country of origin is associated with lower levels of support for redistribution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenon A. Brown ◽  
Simon Ličen ◽  
Andrew C. Billings ◽  
Michael B. Devlin

Given Slovenia’s independence in 1991, examining the potential impact of Olympic media consumption on this young nation offers a unique opportunity for scholarly investigation. Prior examinations of Olympic telecasts in Slovenia have uncovered core elements of nationalized pride and focus (Ličen & Billings, 2013a), yet have not fully explored the potential effect of the mass viewership found within the Olympics. This study explores how social cognitive and social identification theories interact to influence consumption behaviors relating to international competition—in this case, the Olympics. For this study, 175 respondents were surveyed to examine the relationship among personal determinants defined by one’s national identity, Olympic fan involvement, and behaviors related to Olympic media consumption. Findings revealed that basic identification with Slovenia as a nation, and a need to defend Slovenia when faced with discouraging opinions, influenced one’s fan involvement with the Olympics, which in turn influenced digital and televisual media consumption.


2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 103-109
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Hrytsak

Recent surveys on post-soviet Eastern Europe reveal that ethnicity and ethnic differentiation are gradually losing their salience among local citizens, while social identification (for example, identities of workers or businesspeople) has become increasingly important as a way for people to perceive both themselves and ongoing political and economic changes. This tendency purports to herald the emergence of a society in which citizens compete for rewards and opportunities on the basis of merit rather than ethnic heritage. In Lithuania and Western Ukraine, however, this is not the case. National identification axes are the most important, and a strong national identity promotes democracy and opposition to communism.


2007 ◽  
Vol 191 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orla T. Muldoon ◽  
Ciara Downes

BackgroundUnderstanding of the psychological impact of politically motivated violence is poor.AimsTo examine the prevalence of post-traumatic symptoms subsequent to the ‘troubles' in Northern Ireland.MethodA telephone survey of 3000 adults, representative of the population in Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Irish Republic, examined exposure to political violence, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and national identity.ResultsTen per cent of respondents had symptoms suggestive of clinical PTSD. These people were most likely to come from low-income groups, rate national identity as relatively unimportant and have higher overall experience of the ‘troubles' than other respondents.ConclusionsDirect experience of violence and poverty increase the risk of PTSD, whereas strong national identification appears to reduce this risk.


2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 277-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Roth ◽  
Agostino Mazziotta

Abstract. The present article describes a reliable and valid German multidimensional multicomponent measure of social identification. A translation of the original Dutch measure of social identification ( Leach et al., 2008 ) was adapted to the German context and validated in three different samples across three distinct identities using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). Results of Study 1 (organizational identity, N = 419), Study 2 (national identity, N = 274), and Study 3 (gender identity, N = 833) confirm the psychometric qualities of the German measure and replicate the theoretical multidimensional multicomponent model of social identification including the self-definition (individual self-stereotyping, in-group homogeneity) and self-investment (solidarity, satisfaction, and centrality) dimensions. In addition, Studies 2 and 3 provide evidence for the construct validity of the German subscales of the social identification components.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 74-95
Author(s):  
Eleonora Mamusa

Nations are one of the most well-established constructs in our society, and they represent a very attractive benchmark for personal and social identification. Political speeches, as well as, for example, media discourse and popular culture, constantly reiterate myth, culture and history of nations in order to reaffirm and preserve their positive image, and this tendency doesn’t seem to be weakened by some contemporary events like globalization and the reinforcement of transnational systems. As a proof of this trend, the present work proposes an in-depth analysis of the speech held by the then Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi at the European Parliament on the occasion of the inauguration of the Italian semester of presidency on July 2, 2014, aiming to demonstrate that also supranational contexts are exploited to reiterate national identity and priorities.


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