scholarly journals Kedudukan Pancasila Sebagai Dasar Negara Pasca TAP MPR No.I/MPR/2003

Author(s):  
Ashabul Kahpi

This paper tries to see the position of Pancasila in the reality of nation and state. Pancasila is basically not just a blank slog that appears suddenly, but has the importance of trying to bring together universal values with local wisdom excavated by founding fathers as inclusive core values. That Pancasila is needed for a society that is highly fragmented by tribe, religion, language, and custom, besides the position of Pancasila as the legal norm and the ethics of state administration. No less important is that Pancasila also has significance as a national identity which then differentiates it from other nations. However, this seems to be considered reduced by some circles, especially after the issuance of MPR Decree No. I / MPR / 2003.Keywords: Pancasila, Basic Country and Ideology of the Nation Tulisan ini mencoba melihat kedudukan Pancasila dalam realitas berbangsa dan bernegara. Pancasila pada dasarnya bukan hanya sekedar semboyan kosong yang muncul secara tiba-tiba, akan tetapi memiliki arti penting yang mencoba untuk mempertemukan nilai-nilai universal dengan kearifan lokal yang digali oleh para founding fathers sebagai core values inklusif. Bahwa Pancasila dibutuhkan untuk masyarakat yang sangat terfragmentasi oleh suku, agama, bahasa, maupun adat-istiadat, di samping kedudukan Pancasila sebagai norma hukum dan etika penyelenggaraan negara. Tidak kalah pentingnya adalah bahwa pancasila juga memiliki arti penting sebagai identitas nasional yang kemudian membedakan dari bangsa yang lainnya. Namun, hal ini tampaknya dianggap tereduksi oleh sebagian kalangan terlebih setelah dikeluarkannya TAP MPR No. I/MPR/2003.Kata kunci : Pancasila, Dasar Negara dan Ideologi Bangsa

Author(s):  
Matthew Wright ◽  
Morris Levy

A large literature argues that ‘inclusiveness’ on the provision of social benefits flows from positive social identification with immigrants on the basis of mutually shared national identity. This chapter, however, argues that ‘identification with’ is perhaps sufficient but not necessary. The evidence demonstrates the limited influence of national identity as a social identity beyond a set of core values: (1) Americans, on average, are willing to extend social benefits to immigrants they do not identify with, and withhold them from those they do; (2) a ‘categorical’ response dominates questions about rights and benefits but not about ‘identity’, indicating that the two are considered differently; (3) a respondent’s own national identity does not necessarily influence how people approach questions about rights and benefits. Americans support or withhold benefits based on whether they see immigrants as living ‘civic’ lives, even if they do not necessarily identify with them on this basis. In terms of normative theory, most Americans are not liberal nationalists, they are simply liberal.


Author(s):  
Darda Abdullah Sjam ◽  
Dasim Budimansyah ◽  
Encep S. Nurdin ◽  
Elly Malihah

This study aims to identify the model of strengthening the national identity through the cadre pattern in the Islamic Student Association organization (HMI). This study applied a qualitative approach with a case study method. Student organizations have a crucial role in providing insight, sense, and spirit of Indonesian nationalism that is wrapped in the frame of Unity in Diversity. One of the challenges faced by a student organization in Indonesia is the ability of this organization to protect its noble goals from certain interests, which can direct the activities to the issues that violate the motto. In this context, cadre in student organizations must strive to foster and strengthen the spirit of nationalism. The presence of a student religious organization provides its uniqueness that is noteworthy to study. Therefore, this study will identify how the concept of student religious organization regeneration, especially the Islamic Student Association. In this article, the researcher views that the cadre of a religious student organization such as the Islamic Student Association has a very unique and strong style of regeneration. It can be observed from the numerous cadres of Islamic Student Association who work in government, non-governmental organizations, and other sectors who are highly open with differences and voice about the importance of togetherness in unity, which is based on the ideology of struggle, i.e., pluralism, democracy, state administration, and law enforcement. The three struggle programs are determinative factors for caring for the National Identity (Unity in Diversity).


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-167
Author(s):  
Muhammad Chairul Huda ◽  
Budi Ispriyarso

This paper explores the studies of the thin line between discretion (freis ermessen) with a criminal act of corruption, using Islamic law’s perspective as one of the law material in Indonesia. Aim of this paper is to make boundaries between discretion which made based on State Administration Product and regulation and help an officer who does discretion will not be trap in a criminal act of corruption through Islamic law’s perspective. This paper purpose four boundaries. First, the boundaries can be seen through understanding the qawāidul fiqhiyyah especially related to governance. Second, act of detournement de povouir (abuse of authority) and abus de droit (arbitrariness) are contradictive with prophetic’s characteristic such as ṣiddiq (honesty), amanah (accountability), tablig (effective communication), faṭonah (smart and heedful). Third, detournement de povouir or abus de droit can categorized as jarimah takzir which can be punish by the authority above them. Fourth, effort to prevent the criminal act of corruption are with uswah leadership, muraqobah, qanaah, and commitment to take care themselves and their family with halal income. For that, public administration can consider using universal values in Islamic Law to help doing discretion without trapped in criminal act of corruption.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Ablamski

Some aspects of nation-forming processes in Polesie in the interwar period in the light of field studies of Józef ObrębskiThe article presents the problem of shaping national identity in the Polesie voivodeship of the Second Polish Republic in the light of ethnosociological research by Józef Obrębski. The researcher's theses were confronted with sources created by three entities that both registered and directly influenced the nationalization process of the Polesie population. They included state administration, national movements (Ukrainian and, to a lesser extent, Belarusian and Russian), and the communist movement. From the moment of arrival in Polesie, Obrębski's expedition clashed with the brutal principles of nationality policy implemented by the voivode Wacław Kostek-Biernacki. Due to the significant difficulties in field work, the theses regarding the problem under consideration are sometimes hidden between the lines, but they are devoid of shades of conformism. The quoted source material positively verifies Obrębski's field observations regarding the intensity and territorial scope of the process of nationalization of the Poleshuks and its features in particular areas of the Polesie voivodeship. Niektóre aspekty procesów narodotwórczych na Polesiu w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym w świetle badań terenowych Józefa ObrębskiegoW artykule przedstawiono problem kształtowania się świadomości narodowej mieszkańców województwa poleskiego w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym w świetle badań etnosocjologicznych Józefa Obrębskiego. Tezy badacza zostały skonfrontowane ze źródłami, wytworzonym przez trzy podmioty, które zarówno rejestrowały, jak i bezpośrednio wpływały na procesy nacjonalizacji ludności Polesia. Należały do nich: administracja państwowa, ruchy narodowe (ukraiński oraz w mniejszym stopniu – białoruski i rosyjski) oraz ruch komunistyczny. Od chwili przybycia na teren Polesia ekspedycja Obrębskiego zderzyła się z brutalnymi zasadami polityki narodowościowej, wdrażanymi w życie przez wojewodę Wacława Kostka-Biernackiego. Ze względu na istotne utrudnienia dla pracy w terenie, tezy dotyczące rozpatrywanego problemu niekiedy ukryte między wierszami, są jednak pozbawione odcieni koniunkturalności. Przytoczony materiał źródłowy pozytywnie weryfikuje terenowe obserwacje Obrębskiego odnośnie do intensywności i zasięgu terytorialnego procesu unarodowienia Poleszuków oraz jego cech na poszczególnych obszarach województwa poleskiego.


Author(s):  
Ирина Юрьевна Кириллова

Статья посвящена вопросу национальной специфики литератур народов Поволжья, соотношению национального и регионального в понимании идентичности как таковой. В работе выявляются общие моменты в отражении национальной идентичности, этнических и общечеловеческих ценностей в современной драматургии Поволжья. В качестве объекта исследования выбраны произведения современных чувашских и татарских драматургов, в которых наиболее ярко выражена национальная проблема. Путем сравнительного анализа в статье рассмотрены формы проявления национальной идентичности в произведениях, такие как национальные мифы, образы, идеалы, архетипы, обращение к далекому прошлому народа, к типичным чертам национального характера. Важным идеологическим ресурсом национальной идентичности на современном этапе выступило историческое прошлое чувашского и татарского народов. В судьбе главных исторических личностей отразилась трагическая судьба булгарского народа. В чувашской драме «Часы с кукушкой» (2016) М. Карягиной и татарской монодраме «Микулай» (2019) М. Гилязова проблема идентичности рассматривается в отношении героев к национальным и общечеловеческим ценностям, таким как родная земля, дом, семья, память, нравственность, долг, ответственность и др. The article is devoted to national specifics of the literatures of the peoples of the Volga region, the correlation of national and regional to the understanding of identity as such. The paper reveals common points in the reflection of national identity, ethnic and universal values in the drama of the Volga region. The works of modern Chuvash and Tatar playwrights, in which the national problem is most clearly expressed, are chosen as the object of research. By means of comparative analysis, the article considers the forms of national identity in the works, such as national myths, images, ideals, archetypes, reference to the distant past of the people, to the typical features of the national character. An important ideological resource of national identity was the historical past of the Chuvash and Tatar peoples. The fate of the main historical figures reflected the tragic fate of the Bulgarian people. In the Chuvash drama “The Cuckoo Clock” (2016) by M. Karyagina and the Tatar monodrama “Mikulai” (2019) by M. Gilyazov, the problem of identity is considered in the relation of their characters to national and universal values, such as their native land, home, family, memory, morality, duty, responsibility, etc.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-86
Author(s):  
Samuel M. Behloul

The aim of this article is to highlight aspects of the complex relationship between religious and ethno-national identity-building processes from transnational and trans-state perspectives, using the example of Muslim migrants from the former Yugoslavia in Switzerland, focussing on Albanians and Bosniaks.The starting point of the article is the idea that religions, in addition to their use of symbols and myths of origin to surround ethno-nationalist ‘assumptions’ with a special ‘aura of factuality’ (Geertz, 1993: 90), provide important resources in the form of universal values that are adopted by individuals as norms of daily conduct. Furthermore, because of their universal claims, religions provide supranational and transnational beliefs and give rise to leaders whose reach can extend beyond their nation or faith tradition.


2021 ◽  
pp. 175063522199093
Author(s):  
Martin Kerby ◽  
Margaret Baguley ◽  
Richard Gehrmann ◽  
Alison Bedford

During the catastrophic 2019 and 2020 bushfire season and the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic in 2020, Queensland’s Courier Mail regularly celebrated firefighters and health workers as national archetypes. By positioning them as the ‘new Anzacs’, the Courier Mail was able to communicate an understanding of the crises using a rhetoric that was familiar, unthreatening and reassuring. The firefighters, both professional and volunteer, were easily subsumed into the mythology’s celebration of national identity. As Queensland’s health workers were predominantly female, urban-based and educated, the article used a more modern iteration of the Anzac mythology better suited to this different context. The emergence of a ‘kinder, gentler Anzac’ in the 1970s and its focus on trauma, suffering and empathy proved equally useful as a rhetorical tool. Both approaches were underpinned by a move away from a narrow military context to the Anzac mythology’s standing as a civic religion that celebrates more universal values such as courage, endurance, sacrifice and comradeship.


Asian Survey ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-366
Author(s):  
Gilbert Rozman

Australia is a middle power caught between rising dependence on China, which seeks a sinocentric region, and growing security reliance on the U.S., which strives for a trans-Pacific community supporting universal values. In light of the Sino-U.S. identity gap and different concepts of regionalism, its response becomes clearer.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ervina Dwi Indriastuti

<p>Pancasila has become the agreement of the Indonesian people as the basis of the<br />Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, but in its implementation efforts<br />experience various obstacles both internal and external. Pancasila as a view of the<br />nation's life needs to be implemented in real life, this has been exemplified by the<br />founding fathers of the nation through hard work and struggle to produce Indonesian<br />independence. Concern for the legal conditions that are in favor so far from the<br />element of justice makes the mind interested in discussing whether the values taught<br />by Pancasila are still heeded or ignored. Pancasila which is the nation's ideology as<br />a view of life and the foundation in the activities of society, nation and state is<br />impressed only to be memorized without application, including in the field of law. The<br />quality of the state which is the benchmark for safeguarding the nation's ideology is<br />eagerly awaited to control the implementation of a just law based on the noble values<br />of Pancasila. Pancasila as the basis of the State is based as a source of law in<br />Indonesia. All laws and regulations must be an elaboration of the principles<br />contained in Pancasila. All laws and regulations that are not in accordance with<br />Pancasila, are null and void. Therefore, to be able to understand the accuracy of laws<br />and regulations, it is necessary to understand the concepts, principles and values<br />contained in Pancasila. Pancasila as the basis of the state is implemented to be a<br />legal norm that is compelling, binding and sanctions.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (02) ◽  
pp. 279-295
Author(s):  
Hamzah Harun Al-Rasyid ◽  
Saprillah Saprillah

Religion and nationalism are two terms that are closely related with one another. In Indonesia, the debate about religion and nationalism has narrowed down to two major issues: The first is the integration of religion and nationalism in the form of a religious state. The second is religious accommodation within the country. The Indonesian founding fathers have agreed to choose the accommodation model by making Pancasila as the foundation of the country, whose core is based on the universal values of religion, such as divinity, humanity, unity, deliberation and social justice. This research was conducted in Gorontalo city and applies qualitative method. Data collection was carried out using interview techniques and document studies. Interviews were conducted with informants ranging from religious leaders, historians, and academics. This paper aims to illustrate that the choice to accommodate religion in the country is the right action, given the national movement in Indonesia is based on religious movements. The independence movement in 1942 in Gorontalo was the culmination of the movement of nationalist movement such as Sinar Budi and Islamic-based organizations such as Syarikat Islam (SI), Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatus Sjafiiah, which had been carried out 10-20 years earlier.


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