The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-61
Author(s):  
Marco Wyss
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Council ◽  
British Government ◽  
Pan Africanism ◽  
Nigerian Government ◽  
People's Congress ◽  
Substantial Degree

The British government only agreed to Nigerian independence once the colonial secretary and the minister of defence had secured a Nigerian commitment to a defence agreement in 1958. But by setting a date for independence, Britain lost a substantial degree of leverage. Meanwhile, the Nigerian government came under pressure; indirectly from the rise of pan-Africanism and non-alignment, and directly from the emergence of an opposition following the elections of 1959. The negotiations for the actual defence agreement thus became more arduous for the British. The combined strength of the ruling parties, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), eventually assured its safe passage in the Nigerian parliament. But simultaneously, it exposed the Balewa government to criticism that it undermined Nigeria’s independence and declared foreign policy of non-alignment.

‘An odd question enough’. Charles James Fox, the crown and British policy during the Hanoverian crisis of 1806

1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Simms
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
North Sea ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Government ◽  
Political Biography ◽  
The North ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The North Sea ◽  
Sea Ports ◽  
George Iii

ABSTRACTThe essay aims to close a longstanding gap in the political historiography of later Georgian Britain by examining the ‘Hanoverian Crisis’ of 1806. Drawing on a broad range of British, Hanoverian and Prussian records, the essay demonstrates that the British–Prussian conflict of that year was caused not – as conventionally assumed – by the closure of the North Sea ports to British shipping, but by the Prussian occupation of George III's electoral land of Hanover. The essay then shows how the commitment of the British government to its restitution was largely motivated by the desire of Charles James Fox and the incoming Ministry of All the Talents to build bridges to the crown. This stance was in complete contradiction both to the broad thrust of the new ‘maritime’ foreign policy of the Talents and to Fox's previous policy in matters Hanoverian. Subsequently the implications of this for our understanding of Fox's political biography are assessed. Finally, the essay illuminates the existence of a coherent ‘Hanoverian Faction’ in London headed by Count Münster which together with a highly activist George III was often able to tip the balance in the formulation of British policy.

Obama, African Americans, and Africans

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Sundiata
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
African Americans ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
President Obama ◽  
American Interest ◽  
Pan Africanism ◽  
Ethnic Solidarity ◽  
Death Knell

This chapter examines how the election (and reelection) of President Obama fits into the larger historical narrative that was the focus of earlier chapters. It asks: Has the Obama presidency represented fundamental change or, in many consequential ways, foreign policy continuity? More broadly, what does Obama mean for future African American interest in foreign affairs and the pursuit of diplomatic service? It argues that Obama's ascension to the presidency was a great step forward in United States race relations. African Americans entered into all levels of foreign policy apparatus. However, the contradictions between the bonds of ethnic solidarity and the demands of American foreign policy will persist. Obama presents a grand paradox—the accession of a “son of Africa” to the American presidency may well sound the death knell of traditional Pan-Africanism.

Lord Selborne and the British Protectorates, 1908–1910

1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan R. Booth
Keyword(s):  
National Council ◽  
British Government ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
National Convention ◽  
The Face ◽  
Real Chance ◽  
Colonial Office

The responsibility for the retention of the British Protectorates during the period leading up to Union lay more with Lord Selborne than with the British government as a whole. Governemental dealings (both Conservative and Liberal) with the Protectorates up to the era of Lord Selborne had been consistently heedless of the interests of the Africans involved.The key to the change in policy seems to have been Selborne's dealings with the Basutos. The High Commissioner, from the time of his first exposure to them until years after his departure, continually evidenced the highest regard for the Basutos' intellect, accomplishments and military prowess. Through the vehicle of the National Council, he had a real chance to learn what the nation was thinking, wishing or fearing. Through correspondence with local traders and missionaries (notably the Rev. Jacottet), Selborne had become convinced, by the eve of the National Convention, that the Protectorates, whatever the outcome of the native franchise question, must be withheld from the Union if the current African restlessness, especially in Basutoland, were not to be transformed into outright rebellion. The virtual denial of native representation by the Convention provided Selborne with a plausible and strong reason for doing so. In the face of determined opposition by the Convention, Selborne stood firm, and was backed up by the Colonial office for fear, among other reasons, that he would resign if it did not.

scholarly journals A Política Externa Brasileira como Política Pública: a proposta de um Conselho Nacional e a experiência do Comitê Brasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa | Brazilian foreign policy as public policy: the proposal of a National Council and the exp

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-218
Author(s):  
Danielle Costa Da Silva ◽  
Magno Klein
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
National Council ◽  
Business Sector ◽  
Foreign Policy Analysis ◽  
De Se ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
The Media

Refletimos sobre a atual política externa brasileira a partir da constatação da sua diversificação em termos deagendas e atores. A pluralização de atores ocorre tanto no âmbito burocrático (fragilizando a tradicionalprimazia do Itamaraty) como com atores da sociedade civil (mídia, ONGs, empresários, etc.). Com ainternacionalização da vida cotidiana, surgem novas demandas a respeito da agenda internacional,pressionando por novas dinâmicas nas práticas da política externa. Defendeseque a política externa é umapolítica pública que, guardando sua especificidade, deve ser analisada como as demais políticas públicasbrasileiras. A proposta de um Conselho Nacional de Política Externa e a recente experiência do ComitêBrasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa são demonstrações da importância de se levar emconsideração as dinâmicas domésticas para uma compreensão adequada da política externa brasileiracontemporânea.ABSTRACTThis paper delves into the current Brazilian foreign policy based on the assumption of its diversification in terms both of its agenda and actors. The pluralization of actors occurs not only in the bureaucratic scope (weakening the traditional Itamaraty’s primacy), but also with other players from civil society (such as the media, NGOs, the business sector, and others). With the internationalization of everyday life, new demands regarding the international agenda emerge, pressing for new dynamics on the practices of foreign policy. We defend that foreign policy is a public policy that, considering its specificity, should be analyzed such as others Brazilians public policies. The proposal of a National Council on Foreign Affairs and the recent experience of the Human Rights and Foreign Affairs Brazilian Committee are examples of the importance of reflecting upon domestic dynamics as a path to a better understanding of Brazilian contemporary foreign policy.Palavras-chave: política externa brasileira; análise de política externa; política públicaKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; foreign policy analysis; public policyRecebido em 29 de Novembro de 2016 | Aceito em 29 de Setembro de 2017Received on November 29, 2016 | Accepted September 29, 2017DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2016.26899

British foreign policy: a review of some recent literature

1975 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
James P. Barber
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
West Germany ◽  
British Government ◽  
Independent State ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Aid ◽  
Post War

THERE must now be a case for classifying books on post-war British foreign policy as ‘whodunnits’. Certainly everybody is agreed about the victim. Britannia, the once proud, imperious mistress of the seas and a mighty empire, lies exhausted and bereft, a mere shadow of her former self. Of course she is not exactly dead, but plainly a terrible catastrophe has befallen her. Her continued survival appears to rest on a humiliating dependence on others. Far away are those heady days of 1946 when Abdullah, the ruler of TransJordan could be summoned to London to be told that the British Government had decided that his country was to be an independent state and he was to be its King, and when, perhaps even more remarkable in the light of present circumstances, the British gave £100 million in economic aid to West Germany.

Agent of Empire? The National Bank of Turkey and British Foreign Policy

1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marian Kent
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
British Government ◽  
Third Place ◽  
The Third ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
National Bank ◽  
The Subject

‘The National Bank of Turkey was founded in 1909 with British Government encouragement and support to further British economic enterprise in the Ottoman Empire’ so we are told in all die standard and respectable works on the subject. This is correct in form but incorrect in substance, for one cannot accept the implications it carries with it, in some cases explicitly stated. These are that, in the first place, the Foreign Office was instrumental in actually starting the Bank, in the second place, that the Bank succeeded very far in its objects, and in the third place, that it ever received much Foreign Office support in what it sought to do.

INTELLIGENCE AND LLOYD GEORGE'S SECRET DIPLOMACY IN THE NEAR EAST, 1920–1922

2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 707-728 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL-JOSEPH MACARTHUR-SEAL
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Near East ◽  
Asia Minor ◽  
British Government ◽  
Historical Source ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Near Eastern ◽  
British Policy

ABSTRACTThe article seeks to establish the significance of intercepted Greek diplomatic messages as both historical source and catalyst in Britain's Near Eastern policy in the crucial years of 1920–2. Specifically, the intercepts reveal how members of the British government, foremost among them the prime minister, covertly supported Greek expansion in Asia Minor even after declaring neutrality in the conflict. Such evidence confirms rumours that were dismissed as fallacious by those implicated and by their defenders in later historiography. Aside from their value as historical sources, the intercepts had an immediate and significant impact which has also been neglected. Intelligence regarding a distant conflict became central to a war at the heart of Westminster and helped mobilize a cross-party, transnational coalition against Lloyd George's foreign policy in the region. Although Lloyd George's opponents, incited by intelligence revelations, eventually succeeded in transforming British policy, this reverse did little to reduce the scale of the resultant catastrophe.

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