scholarly journals A Política Externa Brasileira como Política Pública: a proposta de um Conselho Nacional e a experiência do Comitê Brasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa | Brazilian foreign policy as public policy: the proposal of a National Council and the exp

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-218
Author(s):  
Danielle Costa Da Silva ◽  
Magno Klein

Refletimos sobre a atual política externa brasileira a partir da constatação da sua diversificação em termos deagendas e atores. A pluralização de atores ocorre tanto no âmbito burocrático (fragilizando a tradicionalprimazia do Itamaraty) como com atores da sociedade civil (mídia, ONGs, empresários, etc.). Com ainternacionalização da vida cotidiana, surgem novas demandas a respeito da agenda internacional,pressionando por novas dinâmicas nas práticas da política externa. Defendeseque a política externa é umapolítica pública que, guardando sua especificidade, deve ser analisada como as demais políticas públicasbrasileiras. A proposta de um Conselho Nacional de Política Externa e a recente experiência do ComitêBrasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa são demonstrações da importância de se levar emconsideração as dinâmicas domésticas para uma compreensão adequada da política externa brasileiracontemporânea.ABSTRACTThis paper delves into the current Brazilian foreign policy based on the assumption of its diversification in terms both of its agenda and actors. The pluralization of actors occurs not only in the bureaucratic scope (weakening the traditional Itamaraty’s primacy), but also with other players from civil society (such as the media, NGOs, the business sector, and others). With the internationalization of everyday life, new demands regarding the international agenda emerge, pressing for new dynamics on the practices of foreign policy. We defend that foreign policy is a public policy that, considering its specificity, should be analyzed such as others Brazilians public policies. The proposal of a National Council on Foreign Affairs and the recent experience of the Human Rights and Foreign Affairs Brazilian Committee are examples of the importance of reflecting upon domestic dynamics as a path to a better understanding of Brazilian contemporary foreign policy.Palavras-chave: política externa brasileira; análise de política externa; política públicaKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; foreign policy analysis; public policyRecebido em 29 de Novembro de 2016 | Aceito em 29 de Setembro de 2017Received on November 29, 2016 | Accepted September 29, 2017DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2016.26899

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Marília Bernardes Closs

Este artigo tem como objeto de estudo a política externa (PEX) brasileira de combate ao tráfico de drogas executada pelo governo de Lula da Silva. Parte-se da concepção teórico-metodológica de que a PEX é uma política pública – e que portanto a avaliação dessa passa pela sua desagregação. Frente a isso, foram selecionadas algumas agências específicas para a avaliação, como o Ministério das Relações Exteriores, o Ministério da Defesa e o Ministério da Justiça.  Além disso, considera-se que a agenda específica do narcotráfico está inserida no limite entre as temáticas de segurança e defesa, o que traz questões específicas para a construção das policies. Os resultados desta pesquisa mostram que, no que tange ao combate ao tráfico de drogas, as administrações de Lula mantiveram os arranjos institucionais anteriores com a continuidade do paradigma de segurança pública sem a execução do paradigma de segurança cidadã. Em termos de política de defesa, idem. A maior parte das mudanças significativas se deu no âmbito do MRE, com a construção de uma agenda de dessecuritização do combate ao tráfico de drogas – ainda que isto tenha se mantido mais a nível retórico que prático. Concluiu-se, com isso, que não houve a construção de uma estratégia de política externa que integrasse e/ou alinhasse efetivamente as políticas de defesa, a segurança pública e o MRE; além disso, percebeu-se a ausência de diálogo, cooperação ou coordenação efetivo entre as agências. Como consequência, percebeu-se a pouca operacionalidade e a baixa densidade da execução em termos de política externa e política pública.     Abstract: This article has as object of study the Brazilian foreign policy (FP) of fight against the drug traffic executed by the government of Lula da Silva. A theoretical-methodological conception that the FP is a public policy is taken - and that therefore the evaluation of this goes through its disaggregation. As a result, some specific evaluation agencies were selected, such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Justice. In addition, it is considered that the specific agenda of drug trafficking is inserted in the limit between the themes of security and defense, which brings specific issues for the construction of the policies. The results of this research show that, regarding the fight against drug trafficking, Lula administrations maintained the previous institutional arrangements with the continuity of the public security paradigm without the implementation of the paradigm of citizen security. In terms of defense policy, idem. Most of the significant changes occurred within the scope of the MFA, with the construction of a dessecurizing agenda to combat drug trafficking - although this has remained more rhetorical than practical. We conclude, therefore, that there was no foreign policy strategy that integrated and / or effectively aligned defense policies, public security and MFA; In addition, there was a lack of effective dialogue, cooperation or coordination between agencies. As a consequence, the low operability and the low density of execution in terms of foreign policy and public policy were perceived. Key Words: Foreign Policy; public policy; drug trafficking; Lula da Silva.     Recebido em: março/2019 Aprovado em: janeiro/2020


Author(s):  
Jonathan Pierce ◽  
Katherine Hicks

The advocacy coalition framework (ACF) was developed to explain policy processes where contentious coalitions of actors seek to translate competing belief systems into public policy. Advocacy coalitions may include interest groups, members of the media, scientists and academics, and government officials that share beliefs about a public issue and coordinate their behavior. These advocacy coalitions engage in various strategies using resources to influence policy change or stasis. As part of this process, advocacy coalition members may learn within and/or across coalitions. This framework is one of the most prominent and widely applied approaches to explain public policy. While it has been applied hundreds of times, in over 50 different countries, the vast majority of ACF applications have sought to explain domestic policy processes. A reason for the paucity of applications to foreign policy is that some ACF assumptions may not seem congruent to foreign policy issues. For example, the ACF uses a policy subsystem as the unit of analysis that may include a territorial dimension. Yet, the purpose of the territorial dimension is to limit the scope of the study. Therefore, this dimension can be substituted for a government body that has the authority or potential authority to make and implement foreign policy. In addition, the ACF assumes a central role for technical and scientific information in the policy process. Such information makes learning across coalitions more conducive, but the ACF can and should also be applied to normative issues, such as those more common among foreign policy research. This article introduces the ACF; provides an overview of the framework, including assumptions, key concepts and theories, and transferability of the ACF to foreign policy analysis; and discusses four exemplary applications. In addition, it proposes future research that scholars should explore as part of the nexus of the ACF and foreign policy analysis. In the final analysis, the authors suggest the ACF can and should be applied to foreign policy analysis to better understand the development of advocacy coalitions and how they influence changes and stasis in foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Jerel Rosati ◽  
Colleen E. Miller

Cognitive psychology highlights the constraints that prevent individuals from acting as utility-maximizing, fully rational decision-makers. These constraints lead people to rely on a regularly occurring set of cognitive mechanisms to simplify the decision-making process. Scholars of foreign policy have drawn from several prominent areas of cognitive psychology to inform their research. One such area looks at the beliefs and belief systems that are the building blocks for most judgments. Researchers have also examined how actors use cognitive biases and heuristics to cope with uncertainty, which is abundant in foreign policy settings. An important set of cognitive mechanisms examined in foreign policy analysis (FPA) relates to judgments about policy risks and costs. In order to make inferences and predictions about behavior concerning voting decision, certain key public influences must be considered. These influences include the role of emotions, political socialization, political sophistication, tolerance of diversity of political views, and the media. The effect of these influences on voting behavior is best understood through theories on the formation of attitudes, beliefs, schema, knowledge structures, and the practice of information processing. The degree to which voting decision is affected by internal processing systems of political information alters the quality of making truly democratic decisions.


Author(s):  
William Vinicius Pinto

Este estudo é um compilado de informações, que possibilitam ao leitor ter uma breve compreensão do Sistema de Garantia de Direitos, dando destaque ao atendimento prestado aos adolescentes e ou jovens, que foram expostos a riscos ou vulnerabilidades sociais, especificamente, os casos em que esses se encontram envolvidos com o meio ilícito ou prática de ato infracional. Desta forma, pesquisar sobre o referido tema que é de conhecimento social, sem dúvida alguma, gera diversos avanços para o meio acadêmico, bem como promove a disseminação de conhecimento, corroborando assim com a desmistificação que percorre pelo senso comum, quando o assunto é adolescente em conflito com a lei. Concernente ao método, foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica integrativa, por meio da análise e compilação dos artigos publicizados nas bases de dados indexadoras, especificamente, Lilacs, PePSIC, BVS, Medline Bireme e Scielo, facilitando a obtenção de dados que após analisados, certamente, podem servir de ferramenta para que os leitores entrem em contato com esse contexto social, que tanto tem sido destaque na mídia, além de contribuir para o aprimoramento do atendimento e da política pública designada para tal segmento.Palavras-chave: Ato Infracional. Adolescência. Sistema de Garantia de Direitos. Políticas Públicas. Medida Socioeducativa.AbstractThis present study is compiled from information that enables the reader to have a brief understanding of the Rights Guarantee System, highlighting the care provided to adolescents and, or young people who were exposed to risks, or social vulnerabilities, specifically, cases that are involved with illicit means and, or practice of an infraction. Thus, research on that topic that is of social knowledge undoubtedly generates several advances to the academia and promotes the knowledge disseminatio, thus corroborating to the demystification that runs by common sense when it comes to adolescent offender. Concerning the method, the integrative literature review was used, through the analysis and compilation of the publicized articles in indexing databases, making it easier to obtain data after analysis which can certainly serve as a tool for readers to contact this social context that both have been featured in the media, as well as contribute to the improvement of care and public policy assigned to this segment.Keywords: Infraction. Teenager. Rights Guarantee System. Public Policy. Socioeducative Measure.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
David González Cuenca ◽  
Emilmar Sulamit Rodríguez Caldera ◽  
Laura Jimena Buitrago Duarte

ABSTRACTThe stages in the formulation of Colombian foreign policy have traditionally been oriented towards the doctrine of Respice Polum; during the governments of President Santos has changed this sphere around new relations with similar states (Respice Simillia) with the foundation of ending the internal armed conflict. Consequently, the objective of this article is to retrospectively analyze colombian foreign affairs since 1990 and present a prospective foreign policy analysis for the 21st century. The methodological approach is of structural revision of primary sources and decoding of categories of analysis from the Theory of Social Representations.RESUMENLas etapas en la formulación de política exterior colombiana han estado orientadas tradicionalmente hacia la doctrina de Respice Polum; durante los gobiernos del presidente Santos ha cambiado esta esfera entorno a nuevas relaciones con estados similares (Respice Simillia) con el fundamento de poner fin al conflicto armado interno. En consecuencia, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar retrospectivamente los asuntos exteriores de Colombia desde 1990 y presentar un análisis prospectivo de política exterior para el siglo XXI. El enfoque metodológico es de revisión estructural de fuentes primarias y decodificación de categorías de análisis desde la Teoría de las Representaciones Sociales.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Dossi

Regime change and foreign policy adjustments have been closely intertwined in Myanmar’s recent experience. Since 2011, domestic political transition has been paralleled by changes in the country’s foreign policy posture, with Naypyitaw reconsidering its dependence on Beijing while seeking rapprochement with Washington. Taking Myanmar as a case study, this essay aims to address the theoretical issue of how regime change influences the foreign policy of a country. The first two sections draw on Foreign Policy Analysis and Comparative Politics to develop an analytical framework for the study of foreign policy choices during regime change. The focus is on how transitional politics interacts with external influence, against the background of loosened distinctions between the domestic and international levels. The last two sections test the analytical framework against the ups and downs of Myanmar’s economic cooperation with China. Two decisions of the Myanmar government are analysed: the 2011 decision to suspend cooperation on the Myitsone dam, and the 2012 decision to continue cooperation on the Letpadaung mine. While apparently contradictory, Naypyitaw’s behaviour on these two occasions helps to unravel the dilemmas that foreign policy decision-makers face at times of political transition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guilherme Ferreira Sorgine ◽  
Maria Helena De Castro Santos

The article aims to deepen the discussion about the analysis of Brazilian foreign policy as a public policy. Without denying certain particularities of foreign policy, one can verify growing similarities between both areas since the inauguration of the Brazilian democratic regime in 1988. This new moment seems to be characterized by a progressive erosion of the proverbial "insulation" of Itamaraty as well as by an approximation of foreign policy to the interests of the Brazilian society.


Comunicar ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 131-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roxana Morduchowicz

One of the specific challenges faced by media education in Latin America is to narrow the divide and promote more equitable, fairer access to cultural and technological commodities among youth from the poorest families. Although the obstacles are more than a few and the challenges are by no means negligible, the first step toward facing them is to insert Media Education as a public policy, as State policy. Fortunately, we have always had teachers who have used the media and taught others to analyze, interpret and use them creatively. The idea, when Media Education becomes part of public policy, is to move beyond individual initiative and turn these private efforts into a State commitment. This is the only way to overcome the huge obstacles and materialize the major challenges posed by media education in the 21st century. Uno de los desafíos específicos que tiene la educación para los medios en América Latina es disminuir las brechas y promover un acceso más equitativo y justo a los bienes culturales y tecnológicos entre los jóvenes que provienen de familias más pobres. Aun cuando los obstáculos no son pocos y los desafíos no son menores, el primer paso para lograrlos es insertar la educación para los medios como una política pública, una política de Estado. Docentes que han utilizado los medios de comunicación y que han enseñado a analizarlos, interpretarlos y utilizarlos crea tivamente, ha habido –afortunadamente– siempre. La idea cuando la educación para los me dios forma parte de una política pública– es superar los voluntarismos individuales y convertir estos esfuerzos particulares en un compromiso de Estado. Éste es el único camino que puede conducir a superar los enormes obstáculos y a concretar los grandes desafíos que propone una educación para los medios en el siglo XXI.


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