African Women’s Paths to the International Bench

Author(s):  
Rebecca Emiene Badejogbin

The lack of female judicial appointments in the history of international courts has led to the introduction of obligations and targets for nominating/appointing authorities to select and elect women candidates. Compliance with these obligations remains a challenge and the women who aspire to these offices must not only have the requisite qualifications, but also pass through the nomination and election processes, which can involve a high level of political manoeuvring. Mentoring, deliberate mobilization, and gatekeeping may also play a role. Other important elements that may affect a woman’s international judicial career include socio-economic factors, geo-cultural politics, the political will to nominate women, and a blend of contextual experiences, institutional opportunities, and personal agency. This chapter probes these dynamics, offering insights into the challenges and opportunities for women who seek careers on the international bench, focusing specifically on the unique experiences of female African judges in international and regional courts.

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


2019 ◽  
pp. 227-236
Author(s):  
The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue

Somalia and Somaliland had parallel colonial experiences under Italian and British rule, respectively. In 1960, both gained independence and entered into a union. However, in 1969, the civilian government of the Somali Republic in Mogadishu was overthrown in a coup organized by the military, precipitating a brutal civil war. With the collapse of the military government in Mogadishu in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence from the Somali Republic. Since then, the two sides followed quite different trajectories. This chapter takes a detailed look at the recent history of dialogue between the two parties and offers recommendations on how best to establish an effective process. It suggests that the political stalemate will be resolved by the agreement of some form of mutually acceptable political association or official recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
Fabio Colivicchi

AbstractAt the end of a long history of increasingly close relationships with its neighbor, the Etruscan city of Caere became a sort of “satellite state” of Rome and was eventually transformed into a praefectura in 273 B. C. E. Historians have focused on the institutional aspect of the process, with its progressive “softening” of the political frontier between the two cities through the ciuitas sine suffragio, which paved the way for eventual assimilation. This paper examines the archeological record of the territory of Caere in the period between the late fourth and the third centuries B. C. E., tracking the development of settlement patterns and the cultural changes revealed by the material culture. Complex dynamics developed in the territory of Caere during this crucial period, with different groups adopting diverging strategies to adapt to the challenges and opportunities of the new situation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Sylwia Jarosz-Żukowska

COUNCILS FOR THE JUDICIARY IN DENMARKThe purpose of this study is to discuss the political position, composition and competences of two independent judicial institutions operating in Denmark, namely the Danish Court Administration and Council for Judicial Appointments. Their establishment in 1998 they began operating on 1 July 1999 was undoubtedly the implementation of the constitutional guarantees of independence of judges, and in practice it also became an important factor in the very high level of confi dence of Danish society in the justice system. Both Danish judicial councils are statutory bodies because the 1953 constitution does not require the establishment of such institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Mobina Mehsood ◽  
Fawad Khan ◽  
Raza Ullah Shah

The political history of Pakistan is divided into two phases: military regimes and political/civilian governments. The military ruled over Pakistan more than half and civilian governments remained in power less than half of its entire history. This paper studies and examines the function of the judiciary and effect of executive on independence of the superior courts during civilian governments in Pakistan from 1947 till 2009. Violation of judiciary independence of through executive are examined under several domains like its undue role in judicial appointments and removal; its undue influence during the case proceedings and decisions; the abuse of judicial proceedings due to political considerations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (5.) ◽  
pp. 51-63
Author(s):  
Maiftah Mohammed Kemal

According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy before his actual coronation (1916). The emperor was overthrown in a coup in 1974, and Mengistu’s regime came to an end when he fled the country for Zimbabwe (1991). (Miftah, 2019) Thus far, revolutions, peasant upheavals, and military coup d’états have been political instruments of regime change in Ethiopia. What is missing in the Ethiopian experience of transition so far is the changing of governments through elections. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities for a political transition in Ethiopia using comparative data analysis and various presentation methods.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Nouri Gana

This article examines the cultural politics of bastardy in the films of Tunisian filmmaker Nouri Bouzid at a time when questions of national and cultural identity have come to the fore in Tunisia in the wake of the Revolution of Freedom and Dignity. Nouri Bouzid is the doyen of Tunisian cinema. Not only was he involved in every major postcolonial film, whether as a screenwriter, a scriptwriter, or even as an actor, but he single-handedly directed more than half a dozen films, each of which enjoyed wide national and international acclaim. His debut film, Man of Ashes, dramatizes the trauma of child molestation and the collapse of filial relations as well as the emergence of a new generation of men who seek to recast filial and familial relations beyond blood ties and familial limitations. This same cinematic pursuit is further developed in his later films with striking consistency and perseverance. At a time when the postrevolutionary public sphere is saturated with heated debates around Tunisian national identity, propelled by fantasies of purity and virile filiation, Bouzid’s bastard characters serve, the author argues, not only to warp and reclaim the political playing field for revolutionary purposes but also to remind Tunisians of the disturbing legacy of bastardy (instituted by a long history of colonial rape from the Romans to the French) to which they had been and continue to be heirs, and with which they have to reckon. Studying the rhetoric of bastardy in Bouzid’s cinema leaves us in the end with the touching yet unsparing conclusion that for Bouzid there are no Tunisians until they have assumed their bastardy.


Author(s):  
Kendra Eshleman

This chapter examines two collective biographies of Imperial sophists: Philostratus’ Lives of Sophists (VS) and Eunapius’ Lives of Philosophers and Sophists (VPS). The VS records the careers of ten classical and forty-one Imperial figures ‘properly called sophists’, along with eight ‘philosophers with a reputation as sophists’. Eunapius improves on Philostratus, as he sees it, by combining Neoplatonist philosophers, sophists, and rhetorically skilled physicians in a single work. As these summaries suggest, sophists made an awkward subject for collective biography. The term is notoriously protean, and the proper relationship of sophistic to other forms of paideia was hotly disputed; disagreement between Philostratus and Eunapius surfaces already in their titles. Unlike rhetoric and philosophy, sophistic had never had a discrete history, and it is unlikely that Philostratus’ subjects thought they belonged to a coherent ‘Second Sophistic’ movement. For both authors, writing biographies of sophists is a charged intervention in the cultural politics of their day. The chapter considers how the cultural histories of sophistic—and, by implication, sophists—produced by each collection work to position sophistic within and against the political history of the Roman Empire; map its outer limits, especially vis-à-vis philosophy; and authorize the author himself.


Author(s):  
Marta Celati

This chapter presents a thorough critical study of Orazio Romano’s poem Porcaria, a not very well-known text on Stefano Porcari’s conspiracy against Pope Nicholas V, in 1453. The comprehensive analysis of this work provides a complete reconstruction of the history of the text, based on the examination of the only manuscript copy of the poem still extant, and a thorough investigation of the wide-ranging classical sources used by the author in his work: in particular Vergil, Lucan, Statius, Sallust, Livy, and Claudian. The intertextual analysis points out the complex and multifunctional process of imitation performed by Orazio Romano in the creation of his sophisticated poem: a practice that affects both stylistic and thematic elements and is also aimed at creating a complex dimension of exemplarity. Moreover, the chapter analyses the political perspective of the text, which proves to be closely connected with the system of cultural politics developed by Nicholas V in the same years. Orazio Romano’s poem, in fact, is informed by a secular dimension in dealing with the issue of the conspiracy against the pope. Nicholas V himself emerges in the Porcaria as the figure of a papal prince, whose power is legitimized by an ennobling connection with the classical tradition. Classical symbols, values, and exemplars play a prominent function in bestowing authority on a new kind of papal government typical of the Renaissance age, which assumes the traits of a secular principality.


Author(s):  
Tomás Fernando Camba

The political, economic and social instabilities of the African countries have been seen as one of the biggest challenges to be overcome in the current days. Today, the lack of economic and social freedom is the great problem that makes the weak effort of the African politicians on consolidating the political and economic systems in permanent crisis, even more vulnerable. We attempt to understand the reasons of the increasing levels of bribery of the public and private institutions besides the deficit of a political ethics and other corrosive factors of the African nations that make it a continent with a high level of vulnerability. So, we task ourselves to draft a historic line of the political thought of one of the most promising countries of the African continent: Angola. This is achieved through the use of historic sources that chain the main political events of the history of Angola that led to the independence and that succeeded. It is concluded that the state intervention based on ideas socialist / communist ideas has been, as theoretically proved by the Austrian School, harmful to the socio-economic development of the African country and it is suggested a review to such intervention to be completed in a future paper.


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