Challenges and Opportunities

2019 ◽  
pp. 227-236
Author(s):  
The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue

Somalia and Somaliland had parallel colonial experiences under Italian and British rule, respectively. In 1960, both gained independence and entered into a union. However, in 1969, the civilian government of the Somali Republic in Mogadishu was overthrown in a coup organized by the military, precipitating a brutal civil war. With the collapse of the military government in Mogadishu in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence from the Somali Republic. Since then, the two sides followed quite different trajectories. This chapter takes a detailed look at the recent history of dialogue between the two parties and offers recommendations on how best to establish an effective process. It suggests that the political stalemate will be resolved by the agreement of some form of mutually acceptable political association or official recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 763
Author(s):  
Cláudio Pellini Vargas ◽  
Carlos Fernando Ferreira da Cunha Junior

Em meados da década de 1980, emergiu no campo da Educação Física (EF) o conhecido Movimento Renovador. Trata-se de um período fortemente marcado pela influência das teorizações críticas sobre a área, seus professores e suas produções, bem como sobre a elaboração de documentos curriculares. Tendo encontrado potencialização a partir do período de reabertura política do Brasil, ao fim da ditadura militar, o referido movimento tem sido considerado pelos estudiosos da área como um momento de ruptura de paradigma, ou seja, a EF passou a não mais se pautar pela prática exclusiva de desenvolvimento da Aptidão Física no interior escolar. O presente trabalho objetivou analisar o documento curricular de EF escolar de Minas Gerais, publicado em 1978 pela Secretaria de Estado da Educação de Minas Gerais. Por meio de uma abordagem qualitativa de análise de conteúdo, verificamos a sólida presença das teorizações tradicionais de currículo em seu interior, mas destacamos, entretanto, rudimentos do debate crítico que inspirou o movimento citado. Na estrutura, apresentamos a descrição metodológica da investigação, uma síntese das teorizações curriculares e a contextualização da Educação e da EF na década de 1970 no Brasil. A análise é inspirada em referenciais teóricos consagrados na Educação e na EF. Por fim, sustentamos que o documento mineiro, no auge do governo militar, apresentava indícios de uma tensão, a qual já procurava caminhos mais críticos para a EF nas escolas.Palavras-chave: Educação Física Escolar. Currículo. História da Educação Física. Movimento Renovador. Teoria Crítica.Abstract In the mid-1980, it emerged in the field of Physical Education (PE) the known renovating movement. It is a period strongly marked by the influence of the critical theorizations about the area, its teachers and its productions, as well as on the elaboration of curricular documents. Having found potentialization from the political reopening period of Brazil, to the end of the military dictatorship, the said movement has been considered by the scholars of the area as a moment of paradigm break, that is, the EF went on to no longer be guided by the practice Exclusively for the development of physical fitness in the school interior. This post, the present work aims to analyze the curriculum of PE School of Minas Gerais, published in 1978 by the secretariat of State of Education of Minas Gerais. Through a qualitative approach to content analysis, we verified the solid presence of the traditional theorizations of curriculum inside, however, we highlight clear indications of the critical debate that inspired the quoted movement. In the structure, we present the methodological description of the research, a synthesis of the curricular theorizations and the contextualization of education and EF in the 1970. The analysis is illuminated by theoretical references enshrined in education and EF. Finally, we maintain that the mining document, at the height of the military government, had already presented indications of a tension, which sought more critical paths for EF in schools. Keywords: Physical Education; Curriculum; History of Physical Education; Renewal MovementResumen A mediados de 1980, surgió en el campo de la educación física (EF) el conocido movimiento renovador. Es un período fuertemente marcado por la influencia de las teorizaciones críticas sobre el área, sus maestros y sus producciones, así como en la elaboración de documentos curriculares. Habiendo encontrado la potencialización del período de reapertura política de Brasil, hasta el final de la dictadura militar, dicho movimiento ha sido considerado por los eruditos de la zona como un momento de ruptura de paradigma, es decir, el EF pasó a no seguir siendo guiado por la práctica Exclusivamente para el desarrollo de la aptitud física en el interior de la escuela. Este post, el presente trabajo pretende analizar el documento curricular de EF Escola de Minas Gerais, publicado en 1978 por la Secretaría de estado de Educación de Minas Gerais. A través de un enfoque cualitativo para el análisis de contenido, verificamos la sólida presencia de las teorizaciones tradicionales del currículo interior, destacando sin embargo, claras indicaciones del debate crítico que inspiró el movimiento citado. En la estructura, presentamos la descripción metodológica de la investigación, una síntesis de las teorizaciones curriculares y la contextualización de la educación y EF en el 1970. El análisis está iluminado por referencias teóricas consagradas en la educación y EF. Por último, sostenemos que el documento minero, a la altura del gobierno militar, ya había presentado indicios de una tensión, que buscaba caminos más críticos para EF en las escuelas.Palabras clave: Educación Física; Plan de estudios; Historia de la Educación Física; Movimiento Renovador


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel S. Migdal ◽  
Baruch Kimmerling

No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Aleksei Dmitrievich Medvedev

The goal of this research consists in determination of the place and role of French cinematography of 1960s – 1970s in the political history of postwar France. The object of this research is the process of transformation of political discourse in the context of transfer of power from Charles de Gaulle to Georges Pompidou. The subject of is reflection of the history of collaborationism in the films “Sadness and Pity” (1969) and “Lacombe Lucien” (1973). The author examines such aspect of the topic as reflection of the political and cultural elites on the Vichy regime. Special attention is given to the political consequences of the screening of films about collusion of the Nazi to French citizens. The scientific lies in the analytical overview of the popular films of French national cinematography of 1960s – 1970s, which interpret the phenomenon of “collaborationism” and “opposition" of the period of German occupation. As a result, it is proven that these films distorted the silence on collusion of a number of citizens to the occupier that prevailed in the French political and public discourse. The author notes that resign of Charles de Gaulle as the head of the French Republic led to the emergence of the products of popular culture that revise the previous interpretations of the military past and have a capacity to change the political situation in the country.


2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
Ade Kunle Amuwo

Abstract:The academic political scientists—mainly professors—who were hired by the Babangida military government in Nigeria between 1985 and 1993, ostensibly to theorize and articulate a new political culture and morality through the political transition program (PTP), have been objects, both then and ever since, of serious criticism concerning their role and contribution to a program that promised much but delivered little or nothing. The major criticism is that the political scientists, despite an initial commitment to help the military fashion a new political order, lost their “science” by providing an intellectual cover for the general's schemes and enriched the “political,” including the politics of corruption and self-enrichment. We examine this critique and show that these individuals, by choosing to remain in office—if not in power—even after witnessing so many broken promises by the regime, tarnished their intellectual integrity and moral credibility. Appointed to serve as an instrument of legitimization for the regime, they contained, constricted, and shrank the political and intellectual space rather than facilitating intellectual and democratic empowerment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.


2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Kaplan

Current discussions on the political developments in Turkey frequently frame the struggles between the military and religious parties as a war between secularism and Islam and draw out incommensurable differences between the two sides. Indeed, the military establishment, which casts itself as the guardian of the secular republic, succeeded in 1997 in having the Supreme Court ban the Welfare Party, the first openly religious party ever to form a government in the Turkish Republic. The generals justified this seemingly undemocratic move by claiming that that this party was trying to reinstate the sacred shari[ayin]a law.


ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanaa Ahmed

AbstractDespite a rich history of judicial review, the activism witnessed during the tenure of former Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry (2005-2013The Chaudhry court’s activism is mapped against the historic trajectory of judicial review in Pakistan, particularly the cases pertaining to military takeovers and administrative law. It is contended that the seeming expansion of the frontiers of judicial review merely mark the renegotiation of political power between the judiciary, the military as well as political and economic elite. Further, it is argued that the economy was the most convenient amphi­theatre for this battle for greater political relevance by and among the political actors in contemporary Pakistan and not, as alleged, what was actually being fought over.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-112
Author(s):  
Michał Stachura

[The wavering loyalty of Emperor Justinian’s soldiers. The causes of the military revolts in Africa (536–545 AD)] Shortly after the liquidation of the Vandal rule in northern Africa and the restoration of the Roman administration, the newly established prefecture was shaken up by a series of military mutinies and rebellions. The revolts in the years 536–545 AD are represented in the contemporary witness accounts (esp. historian Procopius of Caesarea, poet Flavius Cresconius Corippus) as a case of a “civil war” among the Romans in the context of the concurrent conflict with the Berber (“Moor”) tribes. The history of the army mutinies has been depicted in accordance with the literary conventions and the propaganda‑oriented assumptions of the authors, with a striking background picture of the Roman army in a state of continual readiness to rise up in revolt against the emperor’s authority, which is something virtually unknown from any other contemporaneous war theatre, in consideration of a comparable scale. In his analysis of the unfolding events, the Author attempts to address not only the questions of the political intentions of the various rebellion leaders, but also (or even in particular) the motivations which would make the soldiers take part in such precarious undertakings. He points to a number of political, religious, and economic factors which caused the northern African army mutinies to escalate so violently, concluding with a paradoxical observation that in the newly established prefecture, the emperor would have counted on the loyalty of the locally recruited soldiers rather than on the elite troops to whose military skills he owed the re‑conquering of Africa.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Kausar Shafiq ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Ali Shan Shah

The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.


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