scholarly journals La utilización de la cámara oculta en el periodismo de investigación : ¿El fin justifica los medios?

Author(s):  
Antonio Magdaleno Alegría

Los métodos que utilizan algunos periodistas para recabar información generan importantes conflictos. En nuestro país, las técnicas de investigación periodísticas han cobrado interés como consecuencia de que la STC 12/2012 ha determinado la prohibición constitucional del uso de la cámara oculta. Se trata de una decisión polémica, pues algunos profesionales de la información consideran que dicho pronunciamiento supone el fin del periodismo de investigación, con los consecuentes efectos negativos para el funcionamiento del sistema democrático. Si bien se considera que en los casos estudiados por el TC hasta el presente momento deben prevalecer los derechos a la intimidad y a la propia imagen sobre la libertad de información, no se comparte su prohibición total, pues pueden existir casos límite que, como consecuencia de la imposibilidad de utilizar otros métodos alternativos para obtener la información y de la gran relevancia pública de lo informado, podrían justificar la utilización de la cámara oculta. De no admitir esta posibilidad, se impediría a la prensa ejercer su papel de «perro guardián público» y, por ende, no serían de conocimiento público muchas cuestiones esenciales para el autogobierno de los ciudadanos.The methods used by some journalists to get information generate important conflicts. Journalistic investigation techniques have gathered interest in our country due to the constitutional prohibition of the use of hidden camera in the STC 12/2012. It is a polemic decision, as some professionals of information consider it implies the end of investigative journalism and therefore a negative effect on democratic system’s running. Up to now, in the cases studied at the Constitutional Court, it has been considered that the right to privacy and one’s own image should prevail over the freedom of information. Even so, the complete prohibition of the hidden camera is not shared as there may be extreme cases in which its use could be justified both due to the impossibility of using other alternative methods as well as to the public relevance of the information. If that possibility was not to be admitted, the press could not practice its role as «public watchdog» and therefore essential matters for the self-government of citizens may not be public.

Author(s):  
Simon Butt ◽  
Tim Lindsey

The Indonesian media is vibrant and expanding, although ownership concentration is a significant problem. This chapter describes the regulatory framework governing the media that was developed after Soeharto’s system of tight control was abolished. It pays particular attention to the Press Council and the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission. It also covers journalists’ associations, press freedom, censorship, and the right to privacy; and the law of defamation and related provisions in the law on electronic transactions and information. Freedom of information law and laws protecting state secrets are also covered. The chapter discusses two high-profile defamation cases that created controversy in Indonesia—those involving Prita Mulyasari and Tommy Soeharto. These reveal serious flaws in the current legal regime governing the media in Indonesia.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Wiwin Fitriyani ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi

Freedom of the Press is the right to express, disseminate ideas, organize, and so forth. Freedom of the Press is based on the provisions made by the Press Council called the Journalistic Code of Ethics. The Journalistic Code of Ethics is the professional ethics of journalists. As the party that disseminates information to the public, journalists need to practice the provisions of the Journalistic Code of Ethics which consists of 11 articles, because various news reports that journalists report should have an impact on society. Then, one of the news that received more attention from the public, namely regarding the relocation of the Indonesian capital. At that time, the news received various responses from various parties. Therefore, various media are aggressively producing news related to this, such as Liputan6.com. In this study, the Journalistic Code of Ethics analyzed with the news included article 1, 2, and 3. The purpose of this study was to determine the application of the Journalistic Code of Ethics in reporting the removal of the Indonesian Capital City on Liputan6.com. Theories used include news reporting and the Journalistic Code of Ethics. Then, for the research method used, namely quantitative content analysis using coding sheets to process, and analyze the data. The results of this study indicate Liputan6.com has implemented a Journalistic Code of Ethics, although of the 55 news samples there are still 19 news that do not meet the element of balance.Kebebasan pers merupakan hak untuk berekspresi, menyebarluaskan gagasan, dan berorganisasi. Kebebasan pers dilandasi oleh ketentuan yang dibuat Dewan Pers yang disebut Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Kode Etik Jurnalistik adalah etika profesi wartawan. Sebagai pihak yang menyebarkan informasi kepada khalayak, jurnalis perlu mempraktikan ketentuan Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang terdiri dari 11 pasal. Hal ini karena berbagai berita yang jurnalis laporkan akan memberi dampak pada masyarakat. Salah satu pemberitaan yang mendapatkan perhatian lebih dari masyarakat, yaitu mengenai pemindahan ibu kota Indonesia. Pada saat itu, kabar tersebut mendapatkan berbagai respon dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, berbagai media gencar dalam memproduksi berita terkait hal tersebut, salahsatunya Liputan6.com. Pada penelitian ini, Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang dianalisis dengan pemberitaan tersebut, antara lain pasal 1, 2, dan 3. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mengetahui penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik pada pemberitaan pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com. Teori yang digunakan diantaranya pemberitaan, dan Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai yakni analisis isi kuantitatif dengan memakai lembar codinguntuk mengolah, dan menganalisis datanya. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan Liputan6.com sudah menerapkan Kode Etik Jurnalistik, meskipun dari 55 sampel berita masih terdapat 19 berita yang tidak memenuhi unsur keberimbangan.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Rose

The Literary Agenda is a series of short polemical monographs about the importance of literature and of reading in the wider world and about the state of literary education inside schools and universities. The category of 'the literary' has always been contentious. What is clear, however, is how increasingly it is dismissed or is unrecognised as a way of thinking or an arena for thought. It is sceptically challenged from within, for example, by the sometimes rival claims of cultural history, contextualized explanation, or media studies. It is shaken from without by even greater pressures: by economic exigency and the severe social attitudes that can follow from it; by technological change that may leave the traditional forms of serious human communication looking merely antiquated. For just these reasons this is the right time for renewal, to start reinvigorated work into the meaning and value of literary reading. For the Internet and digitial generation, the most basic human right is the freedom to read. The Web has indeed brought about a rapid and far-reaching revolution in reading, making a limitless global pool of literature and information available to anyone with a computer. At the same time, however, the threats of censorship, surveillance, and mass manipulation through the media have grown apace. Some of the most important political battles of the twenty-first century have been fought--and will be fought--over the right to read. Will it be adequately protected by constitutional guarantees and freedom of information laws? Or will it be restricted by very wealthy individuals and very powerful institutions? And given increasingly sophisticated methods of publicity and propaganda, how much of what we read can we believe? This book surveys the history of independent sceptical reading, from antiquity to the present. It tells the stories of heroic efforts at self-education by disadvantaged people in all parts of the world. It analyzes successful reading promotion campaigns throughout history (concluding with Oprah Winfrey) and explains why they succeeded. It also explores some disturbing current trends, such as the reported decay of attentive reading, the disappearance of investigative journalism, 'fake news', the growth of censorship, and the pervasive influence of advertisers and publicists on the media--even on scientific publishing. For anyone who uses libraries and Internet to find out what the hell is going on, this book is a guide, an inspiration, and a warning.


Author(s):  
Dirk Voorhoof

The normative perspective of this chapter is how to guarantee respect for the fundamental values of freedom of expression and journalistic reporting on matters of public interest in cases where a (public) person claims protection of his or her right to reputation. First it explains why there is an increasing number and expanding potential of conflicts between the right to freedom of expression and media freedom (Article 10 ECHR), on the one hand, and the right of privacy and the right to protection of reputation (Article 8 ECHR), on the other. In addressing and analysing the European Court’s balancing approach in this domain, the characteristics and the impact of the seminal 2012 Grand Chamber judgment in Axel Springer AG v. Germany (no. 1) are identified and explained. On the basis of the analysis of the Court’s subsequent jurisprudence in defamation cases it evaluates whether this case law preserves the public watchdog-function of media, investigative journalism and NGOs reporting on matters of public interest, but tarnishing the reputation of public figures.


Pravni zapisi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 620-644
Author(s):  
Tamás Korhecz

The right to peaceful enjoyment of property is a first-generation human right, protected by the international and domestic law of the highest rank. This is not an absolute right - the European standards of protecting property rights allow possible interferences prescribed by law. The interferences can be made in the public interest but only under the assumption that the proportionality between the public interest and property rights of individuals at stake is established. Forfeiture of undeclared cash the individuals are transferring across state borders, together with imposing fines for a misdemeanor, represent an interference with individuals' property rights. The EU Member States do not share an identical system of sanctions for this petty offense, but there is a tendency of unification related to the monitoring, registering, and sanctioning of undeclared, cross-border, individual cash transfer. The case-law of the European Court of Human Rights has established rather precise criteria for distinguishing permitted from unpermitted interferences in cases of undeclared cross-border cash transfers. The Serbian Constitutional Court has been faced with several constitutional complaints regarding alleged unconstitutionally of the imposed security measure amounting to the forfeiture of undeclared cash physically transferred across the state borders. The Constitutional Court has ruled inconsistently on the matter. Although it has regularly referred to the European Court of Human Rights' relevant decisions, it fails to be consistent in following the Strasbourg Court's rulings. In this article, the author has suggested that the legal certainty principle requires the Constitutional Court to consistently interpret the constitutional rights and be systematic in following Strasbourg. Only in this way, the Constitutional Court can help regular courts effectively to harmonize the interpretation and application of laws with the constitutional and international human rights standards regarding property rights.


1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 193-201
Author(s):  
Paul Starr

When Louis Brandeis and Samuel Warren introduced the phrase “the right to privacy” as the title of an article in the Harvard Law Review in December 1890, they were primarily concerned about a right of privacy from the news media. “The press,” they wrote, “is overstepping in every direction the obvious bounds of propriety and of decency. Gossip is no longer the resource of the idle and of the vicious, but has become a trade, which is pursued with industry as well as effrontery. To satisfy a prurient taste the details of sexual relations are spread broadcast in the columns of the daily papers.”


Author(s):  
Knut Fournier

The complexity of the right to privacy is particularly striking when the issues at stake are, ultimately, other political rights and freedoms such as the right to free speech and the right of association. The surveillance of individuals and groups by the state has strong political consequences: the surveillance of political activities re-defines what the private sphere is, and displaces its limits, in a context in which more information is becoming available to the public. Multiple recent developments, exemplified by the role of the right to privacy in movies, exacerbated the tensions between Europe and the United States over the notion of privacy. The future EU data protection laws will create a right to be forgotten, whose political value is still unknown.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422097846
Author(s):  
Enric Xicoy-Comas ◽  
Cristina Perales-García ◽  
Rafael Xambó

This article is a follow-up to an article published in the American Behavioral Scientist in 2017, titled “Shaping public opinion for confrontation: Catalan independence claims as represented in Spanish, Catalan, Valencian, and Basque Editorials.” At that time, our study was based on opinions expressed in mainstream newspaper editorials during two significant events in Catalonia’s recent history: the demonstration against the Spanish Constitutional Court ruling on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of July 10, 2010, and the mass pro-independence demonstration held on September 11, 2012. The research sought to compare the press reports published in Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque Country with those from the rest of Spain (primarily Madrid). This study applies the same methodology to analyze editorial pieces published during the campaign prior to the Catalan parliamentary elections on December 21, 2017. This date was historically significant for Catalonia because for the first time since the restoration of democracy following the Franco regime, the Spanish state had intervened in Catalonia’s self-rule by using Article 155 of the Spanish constitution to call snap elections. At the time, the lead candidates for the pro-independence parties were Oriol Junqueras (Republican Left of Catalonia) and Carles Puigdemont (Together for Catalonia), the former in prison and the latter abroad (or in “exile,” according to secessionists). In light of the opposing opinions and perspectives, we believe it is worth analyzing and comparing mainstream editorials from Catalonia (Barcelona) and Spain (Madrid) once again, to ascertain the dominant narratives used in both to explain the Catalan and Spanish position and frame of reference. We have extended the scope to include mainstream online as well as printed media with a view to achieving a better understanding and providing a wider overview of the public agenda and debate at that time.


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