Discussion Networks

Author(s):  
Scott D. McClurg ◽  
Casey A. Klofstad ◽  
Anand Edward Sokhey

While political network research is often a holistic enterprise, the network paradigm can also be used to study individual behavior. Specifically, rather than focusing on full network structures, a well-established area of research considers individuals’ “core” networks, their perceptions of interpersonal connections, and the consequences of said micro-social environments for myriad political outcomes and processes. This chapter examines this research tradition, tracing the history of its use in the study of political behavior. It begins with discussion of network research, paying specific attention to “egocentric” network name generator techniques. It then outlines several challenges to this research paradigm: (1) the difficulty of making causal inferences, (2) debates over concept and measurement, and (3) questions about mechanisms of influence. The chapter concludes by reviewing advances in the field that have developed from these challenges and points toward next steps in this research agenda, focused on the connected citizenry.

2021 ◽  
pp. 109019812098678
Author(s):  
Laura M. Johnson ◽  
Harold D. Green ◽  
Brandon Koch ◽  
Robert Harding ◽  
Jamila K. Stockman ◽  
...  

Background Medical mistrust is a barrier to engaging in HIV prevention and treatment, including testing and adherence to antiretroviral therapy. Research often focuses on how race and experiences of discrimination relate to medical mistrust, overlooking the role that other characteristics may play (e.g., history of physical abuse, diagnosis of mental illness). Furthermore, studies are often restricted to samples of men who have sex with men and findings may not generalize to other at-risk groups. Aims The current study explores a range of demographic, cognitive, behavioral, and social network correlates of medical mistrust. Method This study employed an egocentric network design among a racially diverse sample of at-risk women and women in their social networks ( n = 165). Results Results from multivariable linear regressions stratified by race (Black vs. others) indicate that medical mistrust is associated with both individual-level and network-level characteristics. Across both groups, age and experiences of racial discrimination were associated with higher medical mistrust. Having a regular sex partner and having a higher proportion of network members who are family was significantly associated with medical mistrust among non-Black women. Discussion Individual-level and network-level variables were significantly associated with medical mistrust. Therefore, interventions that attempt to mitigate medical mistrust as a barrier to HIV prevention and treatment should consider how mistrust may be related to characteristics of individuals and broader contexts. Conclusion Health interventions may benefit from conceiving of medical mistrust as a complex, rational response to cumulative discriminatory life experiences and a reflection of the networks within which individuals are embedded.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 721-741 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany M. Jones ◽  
Karl G. Hill ◽  
Marina Epstein ◽  
Jungeun Olivia Lee ◽  
J. David Hawkins ◽  
...  

AbstractThis study examines the interplay between individual and social–developmental factors in the development of positive functioning, substance use problems, and mental health problems. This interplay is nested within positive and negative developmental cascades that span childhood, adolescence, the transition to adulthood, and adulthood. Data are drawn from the Seattle Social Development Project, a gender-balanced, ethnically diverse community sample of 808 participants interviewed 12 times from ages 10 to 33. Path modeling showed short- and long-term cascading effects of positive social environments, family history of depression, and substance-using social environments throughout development. Positive family social environments set a template for future partner social environment interaction and had positive influences on proximal individual functioning, both in the next developmental period and long term. Family history of depression adversely affected mental health functioning throughout adulthood. Family substance use began a cascade of substance-specific social environments across development, which was the pathway through which increasing severity of substance use problems flowed. The model also indicated that adolescent, but not adult, individual functioning influenced selection into positive social environments, and significant cross-domain effects were found in which substance-using social environments affected subsequent mental health.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801771917 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Lyons Reilly

One of the focal points of social networks research has been the process by which individuals utilize information and cues from their social networks and communities to form political attitudes and make decisions about how and when to participate in politics. Not all individuals, however, have large social networks or are strongly connected to their local social environments. Furthermore, despite concerns about rising social isolation in American society, the role that relatively socially disconnected individuals play in politics is not well understood. Using a nationally representative data set with information about communities, social networks, and individual-level variables, this paper examines social connectedness and political behavior. Those who are more socially isolated, it is found, are neither more conservative nor liberal on any particular political issues, but clearly participate in politics less than individuals who are well connected to those around them. Finally, while individual political ideology is not correlated with isolation, the contextual influence of the local environment on individual preferences is correlated with social connectedness. When compared with well connected citizens, individuals who are more isolated are less likely to have their vote choices influenced by those around them. Individual social connectedness conditions the effect of contextual social influence.


Author(s):  
Gergely Baics

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book tells story of New York's transition from a tightly regulated public market system of provisioning in the Early Republic to a free-market model in the antebellum period. It examines what a municipal market system was and how it worked to supply urban dwellers; how and why access to food moved from the public to the private domain by the 1840s; how these two distinctive political economies shaped the physical and social environments of a booming city; and what the social consequences of deregulation were for residents of America's first metropolis. On the whole, the book offers a comprehensive account based in political economy and the social and geographic history of the complex interplay of urban governance, market forces, and the built environment in provisioning New Yorkers.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenda Garelli ◽  
Martina Tazzioli

Abstract This article engages with the centrality that the push–pull theory regained in the context of border deaths in the Mediterranean Sea and particularly as part of the debate against the criminalization of nongovernment organizations (NGOs’) rescue missions at sea. The article opens by illustrating the context in which the push–pull theory re-emerged—after having been part of migration studies’ history books for over a decade—as part of an effort to defend non-state actors engaged in rescue missions in the Mediterranean Sea against an aggressive campaign of illegalilzation conducted by European states. We then take a step back to trace the history of the push–pull theory and its role as a foil for critical migration studies in the past 20 years. Building on this history, the article then turns to interrogating the epistemic and political outcomes that result from bringing evidence against the NGOs’ role as pull factors for migrants. The article closes by advocating for a transformative, rather than evidencing, role of critical knowledge in the current political context where migrants and actors who fight against border deaths are increasingly criminalized.


Author(s):  
Matthew Giancarlo

Appreciating the significance of courts in Chaucer’s day requires understanding the connections among noble households, courts of law, and the practices of social interaction and play in late medieval culture. This chapter briefly summarizes important aspects of medieval court cultures. It summarizes Chaucer’s biographical history of legal and court connections. It explains the connections between legal courts and the social environments of noble households, and their relation to political events such as the Uprising of 1381. With specific reference to several stories and tales (The Summoner’s Tale, The Friar’s Tale, and the Second Nun’s Tale), this chapter explains how the worlds of aristocratic courtliness and the growing legal consciousness of late medieval England are examined and often criticized by Chaucer’s narratives. Chaucer’s life and work were richly informed by court contexts and understanding them helps the modern reader to better appreciate the direct impact that court cultures had on his literary practice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-154
Author(s):  
Christopher Ross Petrakos

Abstract This article investigates the intersections of historical memory and political behavior during England’s “Exclusion Crisis” of 1679-1681. In doing so, I bring together theorists of social and historical memory in interpreting the Exclusion Crisis polemic. Between 1679 and 1681, opposition Whigs and Loyalist Tories rehashed sixteenth-century Elizabethan history because it provided potent analogues to the contemporary crisis over the succession. Through an analysis of parliamentary debates and historical writing, I argue that England’s sixteenth-century history was an integral part of the contemporary political debate. The context of Elizabeth’s Treason Act and the imprisonment of Mary, Queen of Scots provided historical parallels that opposition writers used to justify the exclusion of the Duke of York as well as make claims for parliamentary sovereignty in determining the succession. The Elizabethan era provided a wellspring of historical examples that could be culled to refute arguments for monarchial divineright absolutism. Rather than foreground the role of political theory in structuring attitudes and assumptions about the monarchy and parliament, this article sets out to show that sixteenth-century historical polemic set the terms of contemporary debate and, thus, influenced political outcomes.


Author(s):  
Elena Vasilievna Lapteva

This article is dedicated to the reflection of the topic of the Russian imperial spirit and its manifestations in the Anglo-American historiography of 1970 – 2000. The article relies on the works of the representatives of American Russian studies, from its major figures (Z. Brzeziński and R. Pipes) to modern representatives (A. Grigas). The author reviews the key positions of American researchers of Russia on the general characteristic of the imperial mentality that are inherent to the Russian people and determine their political and life behavior. Reference to the manifestations of the imperial spirit and its analysis in the modern period is important, as it allows seeing the history of Russia from an outside perspective, as well as carrying out a political-sociological and historical-chronological analysis to avoid similar mistakes in the future. The main conclusions are based on the works of Anglo-American Russian studies, which indicate that the study of imperial mentality, traditions, life and political behavior of Russia remains popular in the Western sector of Russian studies. On the one hand, it continues the tradition of American Soviet studies, while on other – separates from it and delves into the local and culturological research. However, the politological component retains its positions, and searches for the new topics and approaches. The author believes that these two trends would continue to be viewed in parallel in the Anglo-American Russian studies for a long time.


2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Czajka

O golpe militar de abril de 1964 determinou-se como um marco decisivo na história política e cultural da sociedade brasileira. A proposição tem sido aceita não somente pela forma como ficou conhecida a estrutura do Estado após o advento das forças militares na cena política, mas pela intensa atividade cultural e artística por parte de intelectuais e artistas na década de 1960. Em geral, essa condição procura incutir uma certa unidade referencial nos movimentos artístico-culturais, que tinham como espelho a conduta política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) – partido proeminente no período em questão. Embora o PCB tivesse adesão de inúmeros artistas e intelectuais, que procuravam firmar oposição ao regime e à política exercida pelos militares. Havia, por outro lado, um contingente de professores, escritores, jornalistas, poetas, diretores, atores e atrizes, entre outros, que faziam resistência sem efetivamente vincularem-se ao PCB. O chamado “pecebismo” era um elemento presente entre esse grupos, mas nunca respondeu necessariamente pela unidade (como numa “frente única”) ou articulação dos mesmos. Assim pode ser caracterizada, por exemplo, a ação do Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais e da Revista Civilização Brasileira entre 1963-1968, nos quais constata-se a formação de um campo heterogêneo com disputas de projetos e debate de idéias que favoreceram a formação de uma esfera cultural crítica e abrangente. Redesigning ideologies: culture and politics at the time of a coup Abstract The military blow of April of 1964 was determined as a decisive landmark in the political and cultural history of the Brazilian society. The proposal has been accepted not only for the form as the advent of the military forces in the scene was known the structures of the State after politics, but for the intense cultural and artistic activity on the part of intellectuals and artists in the decade of 1960. In general, this condition looks for to infuse a certain referencial unit in the artistic-cultural movements, that had as mirror the political behavior of Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) – broken prominent in the period in question. Although the PCB had adhesion of innumerable artists and intellectuals, who worked to firm opposition to the regimen and the politics exerted for the military. There was, on the other hand, a contingent of professors, writers, journalists, poets, directors, actors and actresses, among others, that made resistance without associating the PCB effectively to it. The called “pecebismo” was a present element among these groups, but it never answered necessarily for the union (as in a “frente única”) or joint of the same ones. Thus it can be characterized, for example, the action of the Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais and the Revista Civilização Brasileira between 1963-1968, in which the formation of a heterogeneous field with disputes of projects is established, with debate of ideas that had favored the formation of a critical and including cultural sphere.


Author(s):  
Peter Railton

Justice would appear to require that those who are the principal beneficiaries of a history of economic and political behavior that has produced dramatic climate change bear a correspondingly large share of the costs of getting it under control. Yet a widespread material ideology of happiness suggests that this would require sacrificing “quality of life” in the most-developed countries—hardly a popular program. However, an empirically-grounded understanding of the nature and function of “subjective well-being”, and of the factors that most influence it, challenges this ideology and suggests instead that well-being in more-developed as well as less-developed societies could be improved consistently with sustainable resource-utilization. If right, this could refocus debates over climate change from the sacrifice of “quality of life” to the enhancement and more equitable distribution of well-being within a framework of sustainable relations with one another and with the rest of nature.


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