Nationalism, Development, and Welfare Colonialism

Author(s):  
Barbara Bush

Much has been written on multiple aspects of gender and empire since the 1980s, but its importance in the ending of empires has, however, been accorded less attention, although gender continued to be highly significant in understanding the dynamics of decolonization. Decolonization was, and still is, represented as a process where the key actors were male development experts, politicians, and colonial officials who negotiated the post-colonial future with male nationalist leaders. This resulted in policies to shore up masculine authority and exclude women from the public realm obscuring their active agency in nationalist protest and politics. This chapter focuses on the relationship between gender, welfare, and colonial modernization as fundemental to managing and containing nationalism, i.e., the potential of development ‘to serve purposes of control’. A gender perspective enhances understanding of decolonization via three key themes: welfare colonialism, nationalism and resistance, and gendered initiatives to ensure a smooth transition to independence.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
MANISHA SETHI

Abstract A bitter debate broke out in the Digambar Jain community in the middle of the twentieth century following the passage of the Bombay Harijan Temple Entry Act in 1947, which continued until well after the promulgation of the Untouchability (Offences) Act 1955. These laws included Jains in the definition of ‘Hindu’, and thus threw open the doors of Jain temples to formerly Untouchable castes. In the eyes of its Jain opponents, this was a frontal and terrible assault on the integrity and sanctity of the Jain dharma. Those who called themselves reformists, on the other hand, insisted on the closeness between Jainism and Hinduism. Temple entry laws and the public debates over caste became occasions for the Jains not only to examine their distance—or closeness—to Hinduism, but also the relationship between their community and the state, which came to be imagined as predominantly Hindu. This article, by focusing on the Jains and this forgotten episode, hopes to illuminate the civilizational categories underlying state practices and the fraught relationship between nationalism and minorities.


Author(s):  
Thushara Dibley ◽  
Michele Ford

This introductory chapter focuses on the collective contribution of progressive social movements to Indonesia's transition to democracy and their collective fate in the decades since. This sets the scene for the case studies to follow. It also explains how the relationship between social movements and democratization is understood in this context. Social movements consist of networks involving a diverse range of actors, including individuals, groups, or organizations that may be loosely connected or tightly clustered. Democratization, meanwhile, is a process through which a polity moves toward “a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for their actions in the public realm by citizens, acting indirectly through the competition and cooperation of their elected representatives.”


Author(s):  
Diana Coca

This article is based on the methodology of art-practice-as-research, which departs from my artistic productionWhere is Diana?, a series of photoperformances and videos made between Beijing, Tijuana and City Mexico during 2013-2015. Aware of the obsession with identity, with this proposal I raise the question of whether it is possible to transcend physical and intellectual borders. In my work I include the dynamics of recognition in a paradoxical way, as I present myself hooded, unrecognizable, without identity, placing myself on the border, on the margins, on the limit and in precariousness, through a body that transgresses its place and moves from the private to the public. This theoretical-practical perspective considers the gender perspective, as well as the conceptual tools that feminisms have created to rethink the female subject and de-center it, through a displacement towards what is non-hegemonic or predetermined by biology. The characteristics that are defined as masculine and feminine must be questioned because their meaning is the result of a historical and social practice that has artificially naturalized them. So I propose axes of resistance to subvert gender and national identities, which I argue are fluid and modifiable. Creating this de-centre may lead to the construction of new subjectivities, a framework that expands the possibilities of action and recognition. To achieve this, I relate my artistic process to politics through the reconstruction of the sensible in social space, in the way bodies and their meanings act in that space. The relationship between art, politics, and representation that I propose here does not have to do with a discursive level but focuses on the artistic gesture and how to communicate the affects that are imprinted in the bodies, which have a sensorial and political implication.


1991 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Marquand

The Relationship between the market and the forum, between exchange and persuasion, between the public realm of the citizen and the private realm of the consumer, has been a central preoccupation of social thought since the days of Aristotle. For most of the post-war period, however, and in most western countries, the tensions inherent in that relationship appeared to have been resolved. Then came the ‘stagflation’ of the 1970s, the rise of the New Right, the associated rebirth of economic liberalism and a variety of more or less successful attempts to clip the wings of the post-war welfare state. Classic questions, which the post-war generation imagined it had answered, returned to the agenda—among them the questions of what citizenship means in a market economy, and of how the promise of citizenship is to be realised in complex modern societies. These questions are of significance to all advanced societies, of course; as the most cursory reading of Vaclav Havel's essays shows, they resonate with particular force in eastern Europe. Perhaps because she has been the chief European testing ground for New Right theory, however, they have also begun to resonate with unusual power in Britain; and it is plausible to imagine that the British case may be more relevant to the rest of the western world than are the various East European cases. Hence, this essay. It begins by looking at the British debate and the factors which have given rise to it, and then tries to clarify some of the issues it poses.


The return of religion is most paradoxical, as in many parts of the world that take pride in their modernity and economic success, religion is emerging as the strongest reason in national politics. In addition, it is increasingly acknowledged that organized religion is not disappearing or fading but might even be gaining new forms of assertions. However many Western governments are unable to recognise a language that formulates both spaces, the secular and religious, to build our modern identities. The essays proposed for this volume analyse this post-secular turn as it has evolved in the past two decades. The collection also tries to situate the discourses within the larger intellectual environment shaped by anxieties about religion. This proposed volume is also a serious attempt to explore how the democratic traditions in Southeast Asia have transformed religious beliefs and practices along with the vocabulary of rule and obligation. The contributors question the relationship between modern forms of power and its citizens and the way religion, human rights, and secularism are framed. The chapters challenge the claim that religious traditions are either making nonsensical claims or have dangerous consequences when they enter the public realm. The result, we hope, will be invaluable for experts in this region wanting a broad picture of the debates on secularism and democracy in Southeast Asia.


2003 ◽  
Vol 176 ◽  
pp. 1103-1105
Author(s):  
John Israel

In analysing the youthful cohort that launched the Tiananmen protest movement, Luo Xu draws our attention to the problematic connection between young people's quest to define individual identity and the decision to commit themselves to political and social action. How, he asks, could a “self-centered ‘me generation’ . . . engage in such an enormous collective action that demanded great devotion to a common idealistic cause?” (p. ix)Part one, “The journey” treats intellectual formulations from Bei Dao's poem I Don't Believe (1976) to Cui Jian's song I Have Nothing (1986), and summarizes public discourses by and about youth from the Democracy Wall (1978|–79) to the lesser known “Pan Xiao discussion” (1980) and “Shekou Storm” (1988). Xu's narrative implies that the tidal changes of the 13 years from the death of Mao to the Tiananmen uprising created two mini-generations. The first (late 1970s and early 1980s) was preoccupied with unresolved issues of the Cultural Revolution. The second (late 1980s) sought to redefine the relationship between the individual and the public realm.


2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
PATRICIA OWENS

ABSTRACTWhat are we to make of the neoconservative challenge to traditional international thought? Should we content ourselves, as many have done, to return to classical realism in response? Rather than offer another realist assessment of neoconservative foreign policy this article turns to Hannah Arendt. In a very different language, Arendt articulated a critique of the dangers of moralism in the political realm that avoids realist cynicism. She is also better placed to challenge the neoconservative vision of international affairs, ideological conviction, and their relationship to democratic society. Reading Arendt against Leo Strauss suggests that the fundamental problem with neoconservative ideology concerns its understanding of the place of philosophy in the public realm, the relationship between political thought and practice, ideas and action. She suggests why neoconservatives may be experts at selling wars but seem less adept at winning them.


Temida ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brunilda Pali ◽  
Madsen Sten

The appropriateness of restorative justice (RJ) for gendered violence offences such as domestic violence and sexual assault has always been and still is highly contested. This paper focuses on the appropriateness of RJ measures in addressing sexual assault, primarily with reference to experience of restorative dialogues as practiced at the Centre for Victims of Sexual Assault in Copenhagen, and it takes a feminist approach to the application of RJ measures to sexual assault. Within this framework, the paper tackles two issues in particular: the privacy element of RJ versus the public aspect of the criminal justice system (CJS), and the intersection of the CJS and RJ in cases of sexual assault. In relation to the relationship between CJS and RJ, the authors argue that RJ could be used for victims of sexual assault, not primarily as part of diversion programmes, but when offered apart from and/or parallel to the CJS. In relation to the private/public debate, the authors argue that while RJ encounters, by taking place in highly confidential settings, might have a negative impact on efforts by women?s movements to move violence against women out of the private and into the public realm, creating high standard alternatives for individual women who are in need of support and constantly generating public debate about gendered violence is a good feminist response to this complex issue.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisa Ravazzoli ◽  
Gian Paolo Torricelli

<p>Public space and mobility are two challenging topics in many contemporary cities. These topics give rise to important questions such as how does the element of public space affect the sustainability of urban mobility in contemporary cities? And how does facilitating mobility contribute to the livability of the public realm? The purpose of this paper is to attempt to answer these questions. On one hand, the paper explores the relationship between public space and urban mobility in the contemporary city, specifically by addressing the extent to which urban mobility can create better public spaces and even assist in producing a more sustainable model of mobility. Although ignored for a long time in the discourse on urban planning, the relationship between public space and urban mobility has the potential to create livable cities. Indeed, the use of public space by walking and cycling contributes to economic, environmental and social sustainability. Hence, together with economic, ecological and social indicators, public space and urban mobility also constitute relevant city components, when measuring a city’s sustainability performance. On the other hand, this paper seeks to suggest a set of measures related to public space and soft mobility that can be integrated into an already existing set of indicators commonly used to measure urban sustainability. In this regard, the paper contributes to the debate surrounding the need to invest more in public spaces and at the same time suggests to planners and policy makers that it is necessary to develop international measures for the evaluation of urban mobility and the sustainability of public space.</p>


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