scholarly journals Terrorism

2020 ◽  
pp. 424-438
Author(s):  
George Kassimeris
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Cultural Perspective ◽  
Complex Series ◽  
Contemporary Life ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Politically Active

The chapter places Greek terrorism in a broader political and cultural perspective in order to explain why it has become a permanent fixture of Greek contemporary life. Revolutionary terrorism in Greece resulted from a complex series of political conditions and longstanding cultural influences that drew politically active individuals towards the utopian world of revolutionary protest and violence. These conditions and influences provided the foundations upon which extreme Left terrorism took firm root in the mid-1970s and are analysed in depth and placed within the wider context of the evolution of the Greek political culture within the last forty years, especially the years following the Civil War and the collapse of the Colonels’ dictatorial regime in 1974. The chapter also brings up to date the trajectory of Greek terrorism, by analysing the country’s new generation of urban guerrilla groups and defining what these new groups and their leaders seek to achieve, what motivates them, and how they compare with their predecessors.

The Political Culture of Emancipation: Morality, Politics, and the State in Garrisonian Abolitionism, 1854–1863

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Mark Voss-Hubbard
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
National Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Purpose ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Federal Authority ◽  
Emancipation Proclamation

Historians have long recognized the unprecedented expansion of federal power during the Civil War. Moreover most scholars agree that the expansion of federal power manifested itself most immediately and profoundly in the abolition of slavery. In a sense, through the Emancipation Proclamation, the Republican administration injected the national government into the domain of civil rights, and by doing so imbued federal power with a distinct moral purpose. The passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments codified this expression of federal authority, rejecting the bedrock tenet in American republican thought that centralized power constituted the primary threat to individual liberty.

scholarly journals Social processes at the beginning of the 20th сentury in understanding of the Dnipro Ukraine’s intellectuals

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Yaroslav Platmir
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Limited Range ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
Common People ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
National Ideology ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Common ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
New Generation

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries Ukraine did not have a national state, was divided into two large regions, which were part of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. Therefore, Ukrainian intellectuals had to live and work in difficult political conditions, often going to very substantial compromises with imperial forces, represented by both Russian officials and comparatively more numerous Russian intellectual circles. This had a significant impact on the nature and tasks of the Ukrainian movement, substantially corrected both tactical steps and a general strategic course towards its own autonomy and statehood. It is important to note that the evolution of Ukrainian national ideology took place under the influence of European ideas. They, however, captured the thoughts of very narrow circles of humanitarians, most of whom engaged in the study of ethnographic and folklore spheres of peasant life, and therefore, were concerned about a relatively limited range of issues. At the same time, the comprehension of the past and present problems took place against the background of the involvement of a new generation of public figures in the movement. In the territory of Naddniprianshchyna, it was formed in conditions of rapid modernization, while maintaining the imperial (autocratic) system of power. After analyzing all the key aspects of the proposed problem, the author came to the conclusion that in relation to social processes (realities) at the beginning of the 20th century in the Naddniprianshchyna, the Ukrainian intelligentsia focused on socio-cultural, national, regional, and, to a lesser extent, economic and social life. The choice between "culture and politics" was too limited. In a situation, where many forces needed to solve internal (party, interpersonal, etc.) problems, such a local orientation significantly weakened the influence of intellectual circles on society, particularly the peasantry. At that time, when the Ukrainian intelligentsia claimed to be the main driving force of national affirmation, the establishment of ties between the Western (sub-Austrian) and the Eastern (sub-Russian) communities, it did little to its influence among the general population, the common people, that was a gross mistake in the new historical conditions.

Transactional Politics and the Cankered Decade

1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 259-280
Author(s):  
David Parrott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Good Service ◽  
Louis Xiv

The conclusion explores the most fundamental development of the civil war: the need for both Condé and Mazarin to acquire and maintain military/political parties. It shows how the flaws in Condé’s personality undermined his efforts to create and maintain a militarized following, above all once he moved to the frontiers and thence into exile in the Spanish Netherlands. Mazarin’s attempts to create and maintain factional alliances led to an inflation of rewards that was self-defeating both in corroding the loyalty of established parties whose status was being debased by the newly and richly rewarded, and in creating a political culture in which aggressive assertiveness, non-cooperation, and overt calculation of interest were perceived as the best route to secure individual advantage. The conclusion argues further that this culture of overtly self-interested assertion—transactional politics—continued to predominate in the years after 1652. In part this reflected the persisting climate of tension, uncertainty, and instability that characterized these years, so different from the triumphalism of the first part of Mazarin’s ministry. In part it also reflected the example given by Mazarin and his fellow ministers, who set the pattern for cynical self-advancement, and adjusted their expectations of probity, good service, and loyalty from their subordinates accordingly. It was a cankered decade; one of the achievements of Louis XIV and his ministers on assuming power following Mazarin’s death in 1661 was to re-establish a language of disinterested service and loyalty to the crown, a language which had become incompatible with government by first minister.

Confederate Statues and Their Dirty Laundry

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (03) ◽  
pp. 349-359
Author(s):  
Ben Wright
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
World War ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
University Of Texas ◽  
Historical Trajectory ◽  
University Leaders ◽  
The University ◽  
New Generation

AbstractSince 2015, America has witnessed a profound shift in aggregate public sentiments toward Confederate statues and symbols. That shift was keenly felt on the campus of the University of Texas at Austin (UT), culminating in the removal of four such statues in 2015 and 2017. However, an inquiry into their creation points to an equally significant shift in sentiments during the 1920s. UT's statues were commissioned in 1919 by George Littlefield, a Confederate veteran and university regent, as part of a larger war memorial. The ostensible purpose of that memorial was to commemorate veterans of both the Civil War and World War I. However, during the 1920s, a new generation of university leaders rejected Littlefield's design—and with it the assertion that the services of Civil and World War veterans were morally congruent and united in a common historical trajectory. This article tracks the ways in which they quietly and yet profoundly undermined the project, causing it to be significantly delayed and then extensively altered. Meanwhile, students and veterans improvised their own commemorative practices that were in stark contrast to the Confederate generation—the latter wanted to remember, while the former wanted to forget.

The Spanish Civil War: New Approaches and Historiographic Perspectives

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 264-267
Author(s):  
Eduardo González Calleja
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Military History ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Cultural Perspective ◽  
History Of ◽  
War Experiences ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

The bibliography on the Spanish Civil War is almost unattainable, but the matter continues to elicit such interest that it remains open to new historiographic trends. For example, the ‘classic’ military history of the conflict, cultivated prominently in recent years by Gabriel Cardona, Jorge Martínez Reverte and Anthony Beevor, does not renounce the microhistory or cultural perspective. These constitute the theoretical framework of the New Military History and its corollary the New Combat History, which combine philological, anthropological, psychological and historiographical perspectives to various degrees. In the specific field of the war experiences pioneered by George L. Mosse, the concepts of brutalisation, barbarisation and demodernisation of military operations, coined by Omer Bartov to describe the particularities of the Eastern campaign during the Second World War, are being used by Spanish historians dedicated to the study of the violence and atrocities of the civil war and post-war. Focusing on the field of political history, government management or diplomacy has been studied almost exhaustively, but this is not the case for the principal phenomenon of political violence in the 1930s in Europe, namely paramilitarisation. It is surprising that the latest studies on the issue at the European level (Robert Gerwarth, John Horne, Chris Millington and Kevin Passmore) do not include any essays on the enormous incidence of paramilitary violence in Spain before, during and after the civil war.

A People and its Soldiers: The American Citizen as Soldier, 1775–1861

2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ricardo A. Herrera
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Military Service ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Political Culture ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
American Citizen ◽  
And Behavior

Military service was the vehicle by which American soldiers from the War of Independence through the Civil War demonstrated and defined their beliefs about the nature of American republicanism and how they, as citizens and soldiers, were participants in the republican experiment. This military ethos of republicanism, an ideology that was both derivative and representative of the larger body of American political beliefs and culture, illustrates American soldiers’ faith in an inseparable connection between bearing arms on behalf of the United States and holding citizenship in it. Patterns of thought and behavior within the ethos were not exclusively military traits, but were characteristic of the larger patterns within American political culture.

Religious protest and urban authority: the case of Henry Sherfield, iconoclast, 1633

1972 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 295-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Slack
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Urban Setting ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Star Chamber

The trial of Henry Sherfield, the puritan recorder of Salisbury, before Star Chamber in February 1633 was one of the most famous in that court’s last years; and his offence, ‘unlawfully, riotously and prophanely’ smashing the window in St Edmund’s church which contained pictures of the Creation, is one of the best-known cases of puritan religious protest in the years preceding the Civil War. But the background to the trial, and in particular the local tensions which lay behind it, have never been thoroughly explored. Yet Sherfield’s case, like the contemporary churchales controversy in Somerset, provides an example of that important amalgam of local and national issues which shaped the English Revolution. It also illuminates the social and political conditions which moulded Puritanism in an urban setting.

scholarly journals West Africa: The Formation Of National Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-165
Author(s):  
Zinaida N. Sokova
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Scientific Analysis ◽  
Political Modernization ◽  
Expert Assessments ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Specific Influence

The article is devoted to the study of the dynamics of political modernization in West Africa in the first decade of independent development. The author analyses the formation of political systems, the emergence of democratic institutions, and the causes of their crisis as well as the emergence of military and civilian authoritarian regimes. The author draws on legislative acts, documents of state authorities and governing bodies, evidence of contemporaries, expert assessments and explores national mechanisms of political leadership and governance using the examples of Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone. The national specifics of political systems and the characteristics of political culture exclude the possibility of highlighting the “universal” model of power relations that is valid in all countries of the region. At the same time, a comparison of these processes with similar phenomena that took place in other parts of the post-colonial world allows concluding that the development of the political space of West Africa had regionally special features. At the same time, the country approach to the topic made it possible to identify the specific influence of the state and its institutions on the life of society, as well as to form an idea of the variety of forms and methods of political rule. The significance of the scientific analysis of the formation of national statehood rests upon the incompleteness of our ideas about the ruling groups and their role in the system of public administration in West Africa. The article shows that many politically active groups of society — professional politicians, military men, officials, technocrats, and leaders of religious organizations — joined the struggle for control over state structures. Social conflicts, coupled with ethnic, regional, confessional contradictions, shook the fragile political regimes that developed in the late 1950s and early 1960s.

scholarly journals Millennial’s Political Activism

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-87
Author(s):  
Sam Talman
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Point Scale ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Active Generation ◽  
The U.S

Political activity is a telling behavior about a generation, influencing how policy makers in the U.S. do their jobs and how budgets are set. A generation without any political activity risks missing out on benefits from activity, while an active generation may help shape the institutions and traditions in a political culture. There are significant challenges to measuring individual political activity, and the question isn’t simply “how politically active are you?” A tool traditionally used to address this challenge is a seven- point scale based on the correlation between an individual’s party identification and political activism. This measurement allows polltakers to label themselves as strong or weak for either major party, independent leaning Republican/Democrat or truly independent. For a deeper look, scholars can gauge political activism by examining a number of sub-levels of activism, rather than relying simply on a seven-point scale. Social identity has become an important way to measure levels of partisanship and interest amongst the citizenry. 

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