Transactional Politics and the Cankered Decade

1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 259-280
Author(s):  
David Parrott

The conclusion explores the most fundamental development of the civil war: the need for both Condé and Mazarin to acquire and maintain military/political parties. It shows how the flaws in Condé’s personality undermined his efforts to create and maintain a militarized following, above all once he moved to the frontiers and thence into exile in the Spanish Netherlands. Mazarin’s attempts to create and maintain factional alliances led to an inflation of rewards that was self-defeating both in corroding the loyalty of established parties whose status was being debased by the newly and richly rewarded, and in creating a political culture in which aggressive assertiveness, non-cooperation, and overt calculation of interest were perceived as the best route to secure individual advantage. The conclusion argues further that this culture of overtly self-interested assertion—transactional politics—continued to predominate in the years after 1652. In part this reflected the persisting climate of tension, uncertainty, and instability that characterized these years, so different from the triumphalism of the first part of Mazarin’s ministry. In part it also reflected the example given by Mazarin and his fellow ministers, who set the pattern for cynical self-advancement, and adjusted their expectations of probity, good service, and loyalty from their subordinates accordingly. It was a cankered decade; one of the achievements of Louis XIV and his ministers on assuming power following Mazarin’s death in 1661 was to re-establish a language of disinterested service and loyalty to the crown, a language which had become incompatible with government by first minister.

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Mark Voss-Hubbard

Historians have long recognized the unprecedented expansion of federal power during the Civil War. Moreover most scholars agree that the expansion of federal power manifested itself most immediately and profoundly in the abolition of slavery. In a sense, through the Emancipation Proclamation, the Republican administration injected the national government into the domain of civil rights, and by doing so imbued federal power with a distinct moral purpose. The passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments codified this expression of federal authority, rejecting the bedrock tenet in American republican thought that centralized power constituted the primary threat to individual liberty.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (111) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Anne Magnussen

THE PERVERSE ARTIFACT. CONFLICT AND MEMOIRS IN SPANISH CARTOON SERIESWithin the last 10 to 15 years, the Spanish debate about historical memory has gained much force, with a specific focus on memories of the Civil War (1936-39) and of the succeeding dictatorship that ended with a process of democratization at the end of the 1970s. Although the big Spanish political parties disagree on several memory related issues, they agree that the main objective is to secure a reconciliation of the Spanish population that – at least according to some parties, organisations and analysts – is still divided by the memories of the Civil War and the repressive Francoist dictatorship. Spanish comics from the end of the 1990s and the 2000s question the common and coherent narrative of the War and the dictatorship that is implied in this idea of reconciliation. This article offers an example of the ways in which the comics do this by activating two interconnected strategies. First, the comics destabilize place and narrative structure, andsecondly, they suggest that madness and a perverted gaze are the only sensible perspectives from which to contemplate Spain’s repressive and violent past. The analysis draws on the context of both the memory debate and the development within the Spanish and international comics field.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Božo Repe

SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SLOVENIAN AND YUGOSLAV CIRCUMSTANCES BETWEEN BOTH WORLD WARSThe author describes the division of the Slovenian society in the 1930s concerning the Spanish Civil War. Slovenian history was marked by various ideological schisms – from Christianisation and anti-Reformation in the 16thcentury to the longest lasting ideological-religious schism of the 20thcentury, which had begun at the end of the 19thcentury, in the time when political parties had been formed. At that time the Catholic camp, under the influence of Dr. Anton Mahnič, wanted to organise the public life in the Slovenian provinces according to the principles of extreme Catholicism. The polarisation continued during the interwar period, especially in the 1930s, where we should search for the roots of the wartime fratricidal conflict. Slovenians are still divided along these lines, and the schism surfaces at every possible occasion, for example during elections or celebrations. We are burdened by it to the point where it actually prevents us from becoming a modern nation or at least hinders the process of its formation. The assessment of the Spanish Civil War, even more than 70 years thereafter, still remains essentially controversial, just as it was back then. This holds true for the Slovenian as well as for the European (nowadays mostly conservative) society.


Author(s):  
Julian Swann

The absolute monarchy was a personal monarchy and during the reign of Louis XIV, the king established a tradition that the king should act as his ‘own first minister’, coordinating the work of his ministerial servants. In the course of the eighteenth century that tradition was undermined by a series of social, administrative, and cultural changes to such an extent that by the 1780s ministers were increasingly behaving as independent political figures, courting public opinion and claiming to act in the name of public welfare or even the nation. By examining these changes, this chapter argues that the political culture of the absolute monarchy was in constant transition and that the failure of Louis XVI, in particular, to manage its effects was one of the principal causes of his loss of authority in the period preceding the Revolution of 1789.


Author(s):  
Andrea Oelsner ◽  
Mervyn Bain

This chapter examines the main features of the undemocratic regimes that were in power in Latin America from the late 1960s, along with the democratization processes that followed since the 1980s. The nature of the non-democratic governments varied throughout the region, and consequently the types of transition and the quality of the resulting democracy varied as well. The chapter focuses on four cases that reflect these differences: Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Venezuela. For each country, the chapter reviews a number of dimensions that have been relevant in the democratization processes: the historical and international contexts, the role of economic factors, political culture and society, political parties and social movements, and the institutional challenges that still lie ahead.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arash Sadeghizeidi

<p>Globalization as an emerging and pervasive phenomenon has had a significant impact on various aspects of human life. Development and influence of this phenomenon have been accelerated as a result of the Soviet Union’s collapse, the spread of neo-liberal economics and communications, and information revolution since 1980s. Therefore, this research aims at analyzing the effect of globalization on two important institutions of civil society. Another purpose of the recent research is answering a question regarding globalization as a new and inclusive phenomenon. This question can be considered as “How globalization affects the development of Iran’s civil society especially the press and political parties?” This question has been formed because previous studies indicated that globalization has led to the development of political parties and the press in Iran as a result of political culture development. To substantiate this question, dimensions and the process of its impacts in Iran have been studied in this research. Also, the impact of globalization on political culture, parties, and the press has been evaluated in this research.</p>


1990 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Heinz Thaisen

AbstractUp till now decisions about biotechnology as a social project has been made exclusively by natural scientists, government burocracies and by private industry. In the will formation process of political parties, social interests groups and parliaments that is currently beginning a value-conservative consensus concerning human genetics is adumbrating itself. At the same time, however, a liberal laisser-faire attitude toward industrial biotechnology is spreading. The last development threatens to trigger a portentos social conflict as the basic critics pointing to the risks has not been taken into consideration sufficiently. From innovative processies of will formation a broader consensus on biotechnology could emerge. Such a more comprehensive will formation process would be beneficial to political culture as well as to a prudent approach to those technologies.


Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marzia Maccaferri

This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.


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