The Danish People’s Party

Author(s):  
Karina Kosiara-Pedersen

The Danish People’s Party is the successful splinter party of the Progress Party. It was created by Pia Kjærsgaard and collaborators in 1996. Traditional party membership, public financing, and a high degree of centralization and party discipline characterize the party organization, while their political programme emphasizes less immigration and integration, less EU integration, more law and order, and welfare chauvinism. Their electoral success has affected government formation and policies. They have provided the parliamentary base for a centre-right government and gained political concessions, particularly on the immigration and integration field. While aiming to become an influential party, they did not enter into government when they became the largest party right of centre in 2015. Their marked electoral decline in 2019 leaves a number of questions concerning their future political position and influence.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mari-Liis Jakobson ◽  
Tõnis Saarts ◽  
Leif Kalev

AbstractWhile party institutionalization research has advanced notably in the recent years, the institutionalization of political parties that extend their organizations abroad (i.e. transnationalizing parties) has remained an academically uncharted territory. This article draws on party institutionalization literature and analyses the particularities of institutionalization in transnationalizing parties. The findings suggest that transnational institutionalization takes place simultaneously on multiple levels (local, national and transnational) and is distinctly interactive, placing crucial importance on the activities and responsiveness of both the central party organization as well as the extraterritorial branches. The internal dimensions of institutionalization can be notably affected by the territorially and temporally scattered nature of emigrant communities and by the sense of inclusion provided to the activists. The external dimensions of transnational institutionalization involve a wider variety of actors than institutionalization on the national level and can also be more challenging due to the more contingent socialization patterns and interest in politics of transnational migrants. Transnational institutionalization of political parties is relevant to the parties and their continuous electoral success, but also for transnational migrant communities and impact of their political participation.


Subject Sweden's 2018 budget. Significance The minority government presented its last budget before the September 9 parliamentary elections earlier this month. The budget and its implementation are the government's last chance to emphasise its policy priorities, address problems and appeal to voters at a time when the main opposition party, the Moderates, is recovering in the polls. Impacts The expansive 2018 budget will support economic growth by boosting government investment and consumer spending. The salience of immigration and law and order means policies in these areas are likely to shift to the right after the election. A centre-right government supported by the Sweden Democrats would adopt a more cautious approach to EU integration. The next government will have to build new alliances to offset the loss of the United Kingdom as a key EU ally after Brexit.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 753-766 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair

We restate and clarify the idea of the “cartel party,” a concept that has found considerable traction in studies of parties throughout the democratic world, including those far from the original research site and data on which the cartel model was based. The cartel party thesis holds that political parties increasingly function like cartels, employing the resources of the state to limit political competition and ensure their own electoral success. The thesis has been subject to varied empirical testing and to substantial theoretical evaluation and criticism. Against this background, we look again at the cartel party thesis in order to clarify ambiguities in and misinterpretations of the original argument. We also suggest further refinements, specifications and extensions of the argument. Following a background review of the original thesis, we break it down into its core components, and then clarify the terms in which it makes sense to speak of cartelization and collusion. We then go on to explore some of the implications of the thesis for our understanding of contemporary democracies and patterns of party organization and party competition and we identify a possible agenda for future research in party scholarship.


Subject Pre-election politics. Significance The election campaign has started early, almost a year before the polls. Prime Minister Viktor Orban has already moved against an international university and independent civil society organisations, prompting opposition from many young people. He faces trouble in Brussels, including within his own party group. At home, opposition lines are being redrawn, with a new player, Momentum Movement, on the ascent. Impacts The European Commission will face increasing pressure from the European Parliament to take a tougher stance on Hungary. Internal strife will hit the European People’s Party as members push to exclude Fidesz. With Fidesz’s continued electoral success at home, Orban’s formula may be copied in Europe and beyond.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-494 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Cross ◽  
Scott Pruysers

Drawing upon the ‘satisfaction with democracy’ and ‘divisive primary’ literatures, this article examines how losers of intra-party elections respond to defeat and the consequences that these choices have on party organization and strength. In other words, do losers of intra-party elections continue to support the party or do they, like losers of general elections, feel less satisfied with democracy and withdraw their support (or even ‘exit’ the party)? Exploring rates of membership activism and satisfaction from a recent study of Canadian party members, this article demonstrates that losers of intra-party elections are more likely to exit the party, significantly less likely to remain active and engaged in party politics, and significantly more likely to report dissatisfaction with party membership. These findings suggest that parties must find a way of keeping losers engaged with the party.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chedly Belkhodja

AbstractThe rise and electoral success of the Confederation of Regions Party (CoR) in New Brunswick was seen as a major surprise in the context of provincial politics. The first reaction was to analyze the new party as mainly a party opposed to official bilingualism. In this article the author looks at another aspect of importance that is the populist dimension behind the CoR party. Four aspects are studied: the period of emergence (1989–1991), party organization and structures, ideology, attitudes of the membership.


1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Berdahl

In spite of the recent loosening of the membership or affiliation requirements in Illinois and a few other states, the general tendency throughout the development of party regulation has been toward greater strictness in this respect, toward more effective protection of the party organization against the independent voter with a careless party conscience. This is indicated, in the first place, by the turn toward an official definition and administration of these membership tests. That is, the parties are no longer left free to determine their own membership rules as they please, but these rules are to an increasing extent prescribed by state law and administered by state officials. Secondly, the tests of party membership have become, on the whole, more complex and more comprehensive, and therefore more difficult to evade—the closed primary has become more and more tightly closed. Thirdly, there has been a drift from the challenge to the enrollment or registration system, and, in general, legislation or other official action which requires greater care by the voter and the candidate in the selection of his party, and which imposes greater difficulty in changing his party affiliation.


1987 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 383-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
C.A. Hamilton

In 1985 an oral history project was established in Swaziland, based in the National Archives at Lobamba. The Oral History Project set itself three tasks; the establishment of an oral archive on Swazi history; the publication of a selection of transcripts form the oral archive concerning the precolonial history of Swaziland; the popularization of precolonial history.The precolonial history of Swaziland is the history of a largely non–literate people. The colonial period is well–documented, but mostly from the perspective of the colonial administration. Oral traditions are thus a primary source for both the precolonial and the later history of Swaziland. The Project is concerned to preserve oral testimonies about all periods of Swazi history, including the immediate past. Special attention however, has been paid to the collection and preservation of the oral record pertaining to the precolonial history of Swaziland, a period for which documentary sources are largely absent.There are several reasons for this. Firstly, the relative stability of the Swazi kingdom and its high degree of centralization imparted to early Swazi traditions a unique chronological depth. Secondly, the varied circumstances of incorporation of its many component chiefdoms have endowed Swaziland with an exceptionally rich corpus of local and regional traditons. This diversity facilitates the development of a picture of precolonial life that moves beyond the elitist versions of history which have long dominated both Swazi history and precolonial history elsewhere in southern Africa. Not only are the surviving Swazi oral traditions about the precolonial past unusually rich, but Swaziland occupied a pivotal political position in nineteenth–century southeast Africa. Its traditions illuminate the processes and forces that shaped the history of the entire region


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noemi Martig ◽  
Julian Bernauer

Abstract The voter strength of right-wing populist parties is regularly attributed either to a feeling of threat from a high proportion of local foreigners or to the lack of opportunities for contact between the majority and the minority. This contribution is theoretically based on a synthesis of these perspectives, known as the Halo effect. Accordingly, it is not so much the local size of the local population, which is perceived as foreign, but rather its relative proportion in the surrounding countryside, which leads to a diffuse feeling of threat. The electoral success of the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) at the level of the Swiss municipalities serves as a basis for the empirical investigation, which is conducted alternatively with the proportions of the foreign and Muslim population. For both groups, spatial multilevel regression models provide indications of a coexistence of direct negative effects of minority populations on the share of the SVP (in the sense of the contact hypothesis) and of Halo effects, with the direct effects appearing to be somewhat more pronounced. Socio-structural factors can reduce these correlations (high unemployment neutralises the negative effect of the proportion of foreigners) or intensify these correlations (a higher income level accentuates the Halo effect for Muslims).


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