Women's Representation around the World: The Importance of Women's Participation in the Workforce

2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 802-821 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Stockemer ◽  
M. Byrne
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 60-63
Author(s):  
G.I. Pavlova

The purpose of this article is to study the share of women involved in healthcare management at various levels. Results: The women engaged in top management are 28%. The share of women at the middle level of management is nearly twice larger (53.4%). In operational management such as the management of healthcare establishments, women’s participation is 36%. Conclusion: Women’s representation in the management of the healthcare system in Bulgaria (35.9%) falls behind European countries’ indicators (41%). Bulgaria is applying a gender equality policy but a lot remains to be done.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Inna Junaenah

Abstract: Decision Against Women's Participation In The Democratic local government management. There have been many studies and settings on the relation of women to decision-making in a government organization. It also encouraged the International in 1995 in the World Women's Conference in Beijing fourth, which resulted in a recommendation by the mention of the Beijing Platform for Action. This declaration has prompted action plans in various countries, including in Indonesia, including to target the achievement of women's representation in Parliament 33.3 percent. Such a declaration of some of the ways that women can participate in decision making. The position of women in parliament is believed to affect directly to influence the established law. Abstrak: Partisipasi Perempuan Terhadap Pengambilan Keputusan DalamPenyelenggaraan Pemerintah Daerah Yang Demokratis. Telah banyak kajian danpengaturan mengenai relasi perempuan dengan pengambilan keputusan dalam suatu penyelenggaraan pemerintahan. Hal itu didorong pula secara Internasionalpada tahun 1995 dalam Konferensi Perempuan se-Dunia keempat di Beijing,yang menghasilkan rekomendasi dengan penyebutan Beijing Platform for Action.Deklarasi ini telah mendorong rencana aksi di berbagai negara, termasuk di Indonesia, di antaranya untuk menargetkan pencapaian keterwakilan perempuan di Parlemen 33,3 persen. Pencanangan yang demikian merupakan sebagian carasupaya perempuan dapat turut serta dalam pengambilan keputusan. Posisi perempuan di parlemen diyakini berpengaruh secara langsung untukmempengaruhi hukum yang dibentuk.  DOI: 10.15408/jch.v1i2.1465


2003 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 587-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meg Russell ◽  
Colm O'Cinneide

The issue of women's under-representation in politics continues to be controversial and pressing in countries all over the world. According to the Inter Parliamentary Union, only 14.7 per cent of the world's legislators are women.1 In no country do women achieve parity with men in terms of parliamentary representation. The record of many of the world's most developed countries is particularly poor. Looking at lower houses of the legislature, in the US women's representation is only 14 per cent, in the UK 18 per cent, France 12 per cent and Italy 10 per cent. These countries are considerably out-performed by others such as South Africa and Argentina, both at 30 per cent.2


This study aims to examine what are the opportunities and challenges for women political party members to be able to participate in elections, and what strategies can be taken to increase women’s representation in Parliamentary Elections in Indonesia. This research used qualitative research as the method. Data are collected from various secondary sources mainly from regulations, journal articles, government and non-government organization reports, book and others. The results show that women’s representation in Indonesia faces various challenges to participate in elections, including from political, social, cultural and economic factors. Strategy that can be done in increasing women’s representation is like the government review on the Law and several relevant regulations, with the aims to fulfill a thirty percent quota for women, and by improving the recruitment process of members of political parties.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-107
Author(s):  
Rae Nicholl

In many places in the world, women struggle to be heard and, when it comes to having a voice in the highest authority in the land, the difficulties in some countries can be almost insurmountable. Women in Fiji are confronting the problem of women’s representation in Parliament. With only a small number of women (7.04 percent) in the House of Representatives, what changes could the citizens of Fiji make to remedy this lack of female representation? One answer that could be considered is for Fijian lawmakers to make amendments to the alternative vote electoral system, a variation on preferential voting. The alternative vote falls into the same simple plurality category as first-past-the-post, a system notoriously unfriendly to women candidates.


2015 ◽  

Gender discrimination continues to be a reality in several parts of the world, also in Europe. The aim of this book is to provide an overview of both European Union’s (EU) gender policies and gender balance in EU institutions. It does so by looking at gender equality policies and the EU legal system concerning gender equality, women’s representation within diff erent institutions (and more particularly in the European External Action Service), gender rights as a type of human rights and the EU’s role in the external promotion of womens’ rights in third countries. The analysis shows that women’s representation in the EU institutions has increased in the last decades and that the EU has strengthened its att ention to gender rights in its external relations as well, however the results of both att empts are far from being fully satisfactory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Andrew Enaifoghe

This study explored the role of gender plays and the participation impacts of women on African politics, the religion and socio-cultural factors responsible for the underrepresentation of women through socialization in Africa. Obviously, past research has demonstrated that fundamentalist religious beliefs and affiliations are related to preservationist gender demeanours or attitude. This idea not only impacts gender gaps in political participation in cross-national examinations by belligerence that women's portrayal ought to be measured in an unexpected way or differently. Utilizing Fundamentalism and Modernization Theories, this paper shows that long haul impacts of women's representation are more indispensable than short-term measures in understanding gender gap in a mixture of political exercises. The timeframe since women have accessed the political framework discloses the gender gap to a more noteworthy degree than the presence of women in the governing body and cabinet at one point in time. Findings demonstrate that the suppositions of earlier work on women representation and political conduct or attitude may stretch out beyond Africa it also finds that gender grouping has in many ways impacted the low participation of women in African political system through socialization. At last, this study shows that the kind of political exercises matter and the implementation of policies that encourage give women level play ground to participate in politics while breaking down the impact of gender socialization as of the factors for women's representation in legislative issues crosswise over Africa. A qualitative approach was used in this study alongside with empirical investigation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Rahmat Salam

Women's representation in politics, especially those who sit as members of the legislature. From the last few elections, the number of women's representation in the legislature in the city of South Tangerang is still minimal, even below the minimum threshold of 30 percent. This shows that the participation of women in the political arena in South Tangerang is still a minority. This study tries to provide an overview of the participation and representation of politics in South Tangerang City. This study used a qualitative approach by conducting direct observation through interviews and gathering information from other sources. The problems that occurred in women's representation in the DPRD of South Tangerang City could be identified. The results showed that women's representation from two elections in the city of South Tangerang was still below the threshold for women's representation, namely still 14.58 in the 2009 election and 17.78% in the 2014 election, where the threshold for women's representation set by law - the invitations are 30%. The lack of women's participation in politics in the city of South Tangerang, especially as members of the DPRD, is due to the strong gender discrimination and patriarchal culture in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (11) ◽  
pp. 1713-1741 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Esarey ◽  
Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer

Does increasing the representation of women in government lead to less corruption, or does corruption prevent the election of women? Are these effects large enough to be substantively meaningful? Some research suggests that having women in legislatures reduces corruption levels, with a variety of theoretical rationales offered to explain the finding. Other research suggests that corruption is a deterrent to women’s representation because it reinforces clientelistic networks that privilege men. Using instrumental variables, we find strong evidence that women’s representation decreases corruption and that corruption decreases women’s participation in government; both effects are substantively significant.


2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gill Kirton

This article brings the neglected topic of small professional unions into the women and unions literature. In addition to an overview of women’s representation and gender equality strategies in small professional UK unions, it offers a contextually grounded analysis of barriers and enablers of women’s participation in Napo – the union representing professional workers in the probation service. The article identifies several enablers: healthy levels of women’s representation over a long period of time; presence and longevity of gender equality strategies; a strong occupational identity; occupational values that complement those of unionism. However, a highly pressured work environment and hostile industrial relations climate create lived insecurities, work–life imbalance and time poverty, which have constrained women professionals’ union participation.


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