Pilsudski, Joseph Clemens, (5 Dec. 1867–12 May 1935), First Marshal of Poland; Inspector General of Polish Armed Forces and Minister of War since 1926; Prime Minister 1927–28 and 1930

2021 ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

The chapter opens with a historical analysis of the dilemmas of foreign policy faced by Greece: what to do about the Greek speaking communities outside the bounds of the Greek kingdom, for example whether to adopt policies of conciliation of Turkey, or aim to combine with Bulgaria against Turkey. These unresolved issues had new immediacy in Venizelos's period as prime minister since the Balkan states were pressing for action against Turkey. After a short spell of euphoria about the possible effects of the Young Turk revolution, in the face of Turkish 'Ottomanization' of the Christian minorities Venizelos adopted a hardheaded policy, aiming to strengthen Greece's armed forces, meanwhile avoiding provocation of Turkey while work remained to do in improving the armed forces. In June 1911 Venizelos introduced a bill reintegrating the Crown Prince in the army as Inspector General, contrary to the views of Zorbas, Dragoumis and others. The bill became law and the Crown Prince's position was reinforced.


2021 ◽  
pp. 162-198
Author(s):  
Vipul Dutta

The final chapter looks at the National Defence College (NDC) in Delhi that was inaugurated by India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1960. It is the last of the military institutional creations designed to meet the training needs of senior ranking Indian officers. This chapter will contextualise the emergence of the NDC in the changing perceptions, roles and responsibilities of the Indian Armed forces. It will dwell at length on the post-independence cohort of senior Indian military officers that represented the ‘constituency’ of the NDC, and re-look at their subsequent assignments which symbolised a paradigm shift in the mandate of the armed forces, thereby offering a fresh perspective on the post-independence phase of the military institutional ‘Indianisation’.


Subject The outlook for deepening defence links between Japan and Malaysia. Significance Chinese Politburo member Yu Zhengsheng warned visiting Japanese lawmakers on June 29 that the South China Sea maritime disputes have "nothing to do with Japan". This comes amid new developments in South-east Asian governments' efforts to strengthen security cooperation with Japan. Among them is the agreement between Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe on May 25 to elevate bilateral ties to the level of 'Strategic Partnership'. This reflects Malaysia's growing concern over China's actions in the South China Sea, which are increasingly expanding southwards, affecting Malaysian-claimed territorial waters. Malaysian officials on June 9 announced a complaint to China over a Chinese coast guard vessel near Luconia Shoals. Impacts The Philippines's armed forces are less powerful than Malaysia's, implying more scope to develop Japan-Philippines defence ties. Vietnam, and perhaps Indonesia, may be the next ASEAN countries to seek deeper defence ties with Japan. Malaysian criticism of China over the South China Sea could see a more assertive ASEAN over disputed maritime claims.


Significance Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has dismissed the possibility of a resort to force, but relations with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) regional government are rapidly unravelling. Impacts In the absence of any major opposition parties, Tigray’s elections will not be genuinely competitive. Tensions with Tigray may undermine cohesion in the armed forces, threatening national stability. Continued confrontations could detract from and delay implementation of a range of broader economic and political reforms.


1987 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otwin Marenin

At the conclusion of a meeting of the Armed Forces Ruling Council in October 1986, President Ibrahim Babangida turned to the Inspector- General of the Nigeria Police Force, Etim Inyang, and asked, ‘My friend, where is Anini?’. At about this time, Nigerian newspapers and journals were publishing numerous articles and editorials on the ‘Anini Challenge’, the ‘Anini Saga’, the ‘Anini Factor’, ‘Lawrence Anini – the Man, the Myth’, ‘Anini, Jack the Ripper’, and ‘Lawrence Anini: A Robin Hood in Bendel’. The Guardian asked, almost plaintively, ‘Will they ever find Anini, “The Law”?’, and when he was finally captured in early December, the cover of the magazine Thisweek blared forth, above a picture of the badly injured criminal in his hospital bed, ‘Anini. Face to Face with The Law’.


2018 ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kubiak

After the German invasion of Denmark, Winston Churchill, then forming a new cabinet, decided to occupy Iceland. According to the British Prime Minister, this was an operation to prevent the Germans from establishing themselves on the island. According to Churchill, the Germans – who had been successful in Norway – had not only the opportunity and the right forces, but also the strategic motivation to capture Iceland. It should be underlined that, at the time, Iceland, which since 1918 had been an independent state in a personal union with Denmark, declared the will to be strictly neutral. However, Iceland was not able to defend itself. Apart from about 150 policemen and Coast Guards, there were no Icelandic armed forces. The article presents the circumstances and conditions of the British “invasion” of Iceland and the course of the occupation.


Significance The Pakistani armed forces are reportedly already involved in the campaign: some troops have been deployed in Saudi Arabia and a naval ship is stationed off the Yemeni coast. However, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's government is facing strong public criticism for jumping into this conflict, and has been forced to seek parliamentary support. Parliament's decision will have serious repercussions for Pakistan's Shia-Sunni dynamic and key regional relations. Impacts Sharif's handling of Riyadh will be key to securing future aid, especially for the energy sector. Islamabad will not wish to alienate Tehran over Yemen, even though Yemen is relatively peripheral to Iranian interests. Pakistan's long-standing security ties with Gulf countries will not be fundamentally altered by its decision on Yemen.


Author(s):  
Paul W. Chambers

The history of civil–military relations in Thailand has paralleled the gradual post-1980 primacy of monarchical power over the country. Until 1932, the monarchy ruled absolute across Siam (Thailand). From 1932 until 1980, the military held more clout than the monarchy (though the palace slowly increased its influence after 1957). Since 1980, monarchy and military have dominated the country with the military as junior partner. The two form a khakistocracy: the military’s uniform color of khaki combined with the aristocracy (monarchy). Though there have been brief instances of elected civilian governments, all were overthrown by the military. In fact, Thailand likely holds the record for the highest number of military putsches in the world. Since the death of King Bhumipol Adulyadej in 2016, the clout of the armed forces has become more centralized under his successor and son King Maha Vajiralongkorn. At the same time, post-2019 Prime Minister (and post-2014 junta leader) General Prayuth Chanocha has sought to entrench military power across Thailand. As a result, in 2021, the monarchy and military continue to enhance authoritarian rule as a khakistocracy camouflaged behind the guise of a charade form of democracy. Civil–military relations represent exclusively a partnership between the monarch and the armed forces.


Significance Spending on the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) rose in the 2021 budget despite fears that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's government would scale back military expenditure to fund pandemic-related social spending. Neither recent scandals nor the forthcoming general election are likely to imperil the CAF’s positive budgetary outlook. Impacts Canada is spending CAD163mn on a five-year project that will modernise the NORAD air defence system. The Arctic continues to be a central defence concern and Ottawa is upgrading facilities there. Confidence in a sustained level of military spending should benefit Canadian defence companies as they seek foreign contracts.


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