scholarly journals Identification of radically different variants of porcine reproductive and respiratory syndrome virus in Eastern Europe: towards a common ancestor for European and American viruses

2002 ◽  
Vol 83 (8) ◽  
pp. 1861-1873 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Stadejek ◽  
A. Stankevicius ◽  
T. Storgaard ◽  
M. B. Oleksiewicz ◽  
S. Belák ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Common Ancestor ◽  
Respiratory Syndrome Virus ◽  
Type Virus ◽  
Lelystad Virus ◽  
Protein Size ◽  
Type Inclusion ◽  
Orf5 Sequences ◽  
Very High ◽  
The Eu

We determined 22 partial porcine reproductive and respiratory syndrome virus (PRRSV) ORF5 sequences, representing pathogenic field strains mainly from Poland and Lithuania, and two currently available European-type live PRRSV vaccines. Also, the complete ORF7 of two Lithuanian and two Polish strains was sequenced. We found that Polish, and in particular Lithuanian, PRRSV sequences were exceptionally different from the European prototype, the Lelystad virus, and in addition showed a very high national diversity. The most diverse present-day European-type PRRSV sequences were from Poland (2000) and Lithuania (2000), and exhibited only 72·2% nucleotide identity in the investigated ORF5 sequence. While all sequences determined in the present study were clearly of European type, inclusion of the new Lithuanian sequences in the genealogy resulted in a common ancestor for the European type virus significantly closer to the American-type PRRSV than previously seen. In addition, the length of the ORF7 of the Lithuanian strains was 378 nucleotides, and thus intermediate between the sizes of the prototypical EU-type (387 nucleotides) and US-type (372 nucleotides) ORF7 lengths. These findings for the Lithuanian PRRSV sequences provide support for the hypothesis that the EU and US genotypes of PRRSV evolved from a common ancestor. Also, this is the first report of ORF7 protein size polymorphism in field isolates of EU-type PRRSV.

EUROPEAN UNION´S SUGAR MARKET CONCENTRATION UNDER THE SUGAR QUOTA PRODUCTION SYSTEM

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ľuboš SMUTKA ◽  
Helena ŘEZBOVÁ ◽  
Patrik ROVNÝ
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Sugar Market ◽  
Current Production ◽  
High Dynamic ◽  
Production Capacities ◽  
Very High ◽  
The Eu

The European sugar beet quota system is in very high dynamic process in recent years. The number of sugar companies involved in this system has been constantly decreasing. The aim of this paper is to define subjects (companies/alliances), which possess the current production capacities working under the production quotas system. The paper is determining especially the level of beet sugar production quota holder system concentration using the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index. The paper provides the following findings. The European quota holder system is extremely concentrated and it is becoming more and more dominated by fewer players. Sugar quota is distributed among 19 EU-Member States. In this regard, the quota is generous, especially in relation to France, Germany, Poland and United Kingdom. In Finland, Lithuania, Hungary, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, Slovakia and the United Kingdom controlled by two or even one subject (companies, alliances). There is a large discrepancy between political efforts to distribute equitable R 1308/2013-sugar quotas among states and the actual reality of those distributions. While the EU-quota holder system does not indicate an extreme concentration, an analysis according to the headquarters´ location and allocated quotas to owners of production capacities provides the evidence of extreme concentration.

scholarly journals State-building for the market economy in Eastern Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-491
Author(s):  
Paul Hare
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Law And Economics ◽  
Recent Analysis ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
New States ◽  
The Eu

AbstractKornai's earlier works embodied the idea that state institutions formed a system with a strong tendency to reproduce itself, and hence to resist minor reforms. Thus, at the end of socialism, huge changes were needed in politics, economics, and the law to build a new system oriented towards the market-type economy, which would again be stable, self-reinforcing and self-sustaining. Transition promoted the development of new states in Eastern Europe that conformed to the Copenhagen criteria for the EU accession. Were we too hasty in thinking that we had succeeded? The new systems are not returning to the previous one, and only in a few areas have the basic norms of a market-type economy been set aside in Hungary or Poland. But concerns arise at the interface between politics, law and economics – to do with the rule of law, the nature and role of the state, and the interactions between parliament, the executive and the judiciary. Unavoidably, there is also an interesting international dimension here, represented by the shift from the Warsaw Pact and CMEA to NATO and the EU. This paper explores these issues in the light of some of Kornai's recent analysis of developments in Hungary, while also drawing on his very insightful earlier works.

scholarly journals Prospects of Croatian initiative “The Baltic – Adriatic – Black Sea”

2017 ◽  
pp. 37-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. A. Samoylovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Geographical Position ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

In January 2015 K. Grabar-Kitarovic was elected as President of Croatia. She identified the integration of Southeast Europe countries into European and Euro-Atlantic institutions and strengthening the cooperation between the countries of Central Europe as a national strategic interest. In her opinion the 12 European member countries of the EU located between the Adriatic, Black and Baltic seas have great potential for regional cooperation in the framework of the EU and the transatlantic community. This potential depends on the geographical position and features of common economic and cultural development. In the presented work is described the evolution of the concept of “the Baltic-Adriatic-Black Sea” and the prospects of its promotion in the countries of Eastern Europe. Special attention is paid to the impact of the initiative on the economic and strategic interests of Russia in Eastern Europe.

scholarly journals Backwardness of Central and Eastern Europe as a Heritage of the Soviet Period

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (338) ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Sandris Ancans
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
European Region ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Planned Economy ◽  
Command Economy ◽  
Centrally Planned Economy ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.

scholarly journals Konceptualizácia a meranie variácií kapitalizmu v nových členských štátoch EÚ: Kritické zhodnotenie

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (2–3) ◽  
pp. 136-148
Author(s):  
Pavol Baboš
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Central Eastern Europe ◽  
Contemporary Research ◽  
Market Economic ◽  
Theoretical Reasoning ◽  
Successful Establishment ◽  
Contemporary Study ◽  
The Eu

Almost a decade has passed since the first post-communist states acceded to the EU. Ten years after confirmation of the successful establishment of democratic and market-economic institutions in these countries, it is time to ask what type of institutions really developed. This article critically reviews contemporary research into capitalism in the eight countries, the main approaches applied, and the findings published. Firstly, it attempts to identify the type of capitalism that has developed in the region. Secondly, it highlights some pitfalls in the contemporary study of capitalism in Central Eastern Europe and discusses possible remedies for future research. The main recommendation, discussed in more detail in the study, is that stricter theoretical reasoning would help to eliminate the contradictory conclusions many authors have arrived at.

scholarly journals ‘The skies are empty and the continent is overflowing with insoluble problems’ – The Covid-19 crisis in the western Balkans and the failure of the EU

SEER ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Jens Becker ◽  
Ina Kulić
Keyword(s):  
Health Services ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
High Incidence ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
The Eu

Many societies are still in the stranglehold of the coronavirus. China, South Korea and Taiwan have apparently overcome the pandemic but problems that are almost impossible to resolve are piling up in Europe. Despite the joint vaccination procurement campaign, the EU in particular is struggling to regulate the crisis domestically. The states of the western Balkans which have been relying on an EU perspective for years and which have repeatedly been put off, have also been hit hard, piling problems on top of health services that are, for a number of reasons, already seriously jeopardised. In view of the worsening situation - countries in central and south-eastern Europe are over-represented among those with the highest numbers of Covid-19 related deaths - we take a closer look at current practicalities and political realities in these ‘high incidence areas’, as the region is currently known (according to the Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft). This article focuses on the role of the EU, and how views of this are changing in the region, as well as that being played by other, apparently more nimble and agile, powers.

Central and Eastern Europe: The New Core or the Periphery of Europe?

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
The Eu

This chapter focuses on Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states of the EU, and how they positioned themselves in the new constellation of conflicts within the EU in the aftermath of the multiple crisis. It deals mainly with the Visegrad Group (V4) and explores its ‘repositioning’ in regard to two crisis-ridden policy fields of the EU: controversies about the rule of law and the refugee crisis. With regard to the former issue, the chapter discusses Poland as the most prominent case among the CEE countries. Against this background, it highlights two specific aspects of domestic politics: the memory games that the V4 countries play with their past and the Euroscepticism of government circles as well as a broader public.

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