Continuity and change, China–Singapore relations under the framework of China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Xiangning Wu

PurposeThe relations between China and Singapore were once exampled as good bilateral relations in the region: stable and promising. Albeit gradually increasing competition, bilateral economic cooperation remains to be a stabilizer. However, the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and even more complicated Sino-US relations add up more uncertainties to bilateral relations. This paper aims to examine the fragility of bilateral relations against the overall backgrounds of the dynamic regional balance of power while analyzing the economic cooperation as the stabilizer and reviewing political mutual trust between China and Singapore.Design/methodology/approachThis paper will apply historical and documentary review and qualitative analysis.FindingsLed by its pragmatic foreign policy, Singapore hedges against China, even it seeks to deeply engaging China in all dimensions of bilateral ties, including economic, cultural and political. The grand strategy of the BRI signals the era of “keeping low profile”, leaving us far away. It will inevitably change the regional landscape geo-strategically. The USA clearly defines China as a strategic competitor, which represent Sino-US relations will not go back to the past. The traditional counterbalance strategy applied by Singapore works more difficultly when China intends to be stronger politically in the region. Economically and politically, there are no reasons for Singapore not to show positive support for the BRI. However, the BRI essentially provides a warning message that Singapore should explore a more practical and realistic strategy for not being constrained by China's geo-economic strategy. Singapore's picking side and its increasing military budget, China's assertiveness and the changing Sino-US relations imply the looming fragilities to bilateral relations.Originality/valueThe relations between China and Singapore were once exampled as good bilateral relations in the region: stable and promising. However, China and Singapore relations also ran into bumps from time to time over the years. We usually believe it is because of the peculiarity of Singapore's China policy. However, we should not neglect the dynamic regional balance of power and the changing Sino-US relations after the BRI was proposed. To fill this research gap, this paper will review the factors of stabilizers and the factors that bring fragility to bilateral relations between China and Singapore. The paper also argues that it is time for Beijing to make reflections on whether Beijing proposed BRI too early and whether Beijing over addressed on the magnificence and ambitions of the BRI.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-97
Author(s):  
John Calabrese

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate a significant course correction in US–China policy. It examines the increasingly broad dissatisfaction with China policy, which has resulted in an apparent end the era of intensive engagement and led to a hardening of the US approach to China across the policy spectrum, as exemplified by the critique of and incipient efforts to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Design/methodology/approach The research draws on primary and secondary source material to identify evidence of and examine the rationale behind the shift from the USA’s decades-long “engagement” approach toward an in intensifying strategic competition with China. Findings A course correction in US–China policy has been years in the making, and as most now argue is long overdue. The idea that China has emerged as America’s foremost strategic competitor is widely accepted, and indeed deeply ingrained in the thinking of most US foreign affairs professionals. It is also starkly evident in current US declaratory policy and increasingly in its operational policy as well. Research limitations/implications The research offers a fresh perspective on the domestic and diplomatic dimensions of China’s rising. Originality/value The research builds on the latest scholarship on the growth of China’s geopolitical challenge to the USA to explore the development of China–US tensions and rivalries at all levels from the Bush and Obama eras to the present.


Subject Italy-China relations. Significance On March 23, Italy became the first G7 country officially to endorse China’s global infrastructure and connectivity project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, Italy’s populist government is itself divided on engagement with the BRI; the anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S) views it as a timely opportunity to boost Italy’s struggling economy and deliver populist fiscal policies, while the far-right League is concerned lest it lead to Chinese ‘colonisation’ of some of Italy’s ports. Ultimately, the extent of the engagement will be determined by: voter concerns; the longevity of the current government; and which party holds the balance of power over coming years. Impacts Italy will pursue closer relations with Washington than Beijing. Rome’s BRI endorsement could be used as bargaining power to sell Italian government bonds to China. Development of Italian ports will bolster connectivity with Africa.


Subject Chinese projects in Balkans. Significance China’s growing Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) footprint in South-Eastern Europe has put the EU and the United States on alert. Coupled with traditional Russian and Turkish influence in the region, Beijing’s economic diplomacy fuels fears of escalating geopolitical competition. Impacts Chinese investment projects will face greater EU scrutiny. Infrastructure development remains central to China’s presence but also raises concerns about high-level corruption and the rule of law. Unlike Russia, China will keep a low profile on political issues such as Kosovo.


Patan Pragya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (02) ◽  
pp. 128-143
Author(s):  
Khom Raj Kharel ◽  
Yadav Mani Upadhyay ◽  
Suman Kharel

Bilateral economic cooperation is one of means for improving economic, social and political relations between two countries. Nepal and China have been enjoying good neighborly respects and benefit since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1955. Both countries behave a good neighborhood relations and enjoyed fruitful bilateral cooperation and mutual support and following the social and economic development activities by exchanging cooperation in the areas of trade, tourism, investment and connectivity, building human capital and infrastructure and deepening people to people relations is at the center of Nepal-China bilateral relations. Within Nepal and China, there are marvelous possibilities promoting socio-economic transformation and raising the living standard of people through the mutual cooperation in the areas of mutual interest. Cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is of great significance for Nepal and China. The present study is conducted with the aim of examining the economic impact of bilateral economic cooperation between Nepal and China. The impact of bilateral cooperation with China in Nepalese economy has been analyzed in terms of FDI flows, trade between Nepal, China and economic assistance from China to Nepal and tourists arrivals from China over the period of 2000-2019 by applying simple statistical tools and simple linear regression model. The results show that there have been positive influences on Nepalese economy with bilateral economic cooperation of China.


Significance Parliament passed a bill earlier in May authorising the president to form the commission after key amendments recommended by the Supreme Court were incorporated into the legislation. The Colombo Port City is a development that forms part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Impacts India will be wary of investing in the Colombo Port City. Sri Lankan imports from China will increase, helped by a recently agreed bilateral currency swap. The Rajapaksa government will remain popular with the country’s ethnic Sinhalese, Buddhist majority despite concerns about its China policy.


Subject The potential for crisis in Greek-Turkish relations. Significance Following a long period of rapprochement and normalised relations between Greece and Turkey, the two states' relationship is being tested by a deteriorating geopolitical environment and an increasingly restless post-coup Turkey. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's rhetorical revisionism regarding post-First World War borders is making Greece very uneasy for its Aegean islands. Impacts Bilateral relations will mainly be affected by the wider geopolitical environment and the regional balance of power. While Erdogan is intensifying nationalist rhetoric directed at Greece, he must consider other more immediate and dangerous security threats. The economic and energy costs of competition in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean could be significant for both countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghada Ahmed Abdel Aziz

Purpose This paper aims to explore to what extent can the Saudi–US alliance endure, given the several challenges it has faced over the past decade. Using a conceptual framework from the alliance theory, the paper will trace the historical evolution of the alliance between the two countries, then will identify some of the challenges that have faced the alliance on both the regional and bilateral levels, and finally will assess the impact of these challenges on the resilience of the Saudi–US alliance. Design/methodology/approach This paper will use the alliance theory literature to analyze the challenges and the resilience of the Saudi–US relations. Findings The Saudi–US alliance has encountered several challenges in the past decade such as the Arab spring, the Iranian nuclear deal and the Civil War in Syria and Yemen. However, this alliance proved to be resilient, and the strategic partnership between the two countries managed to overcome these challenges. Originality/value The importance of this paper stems from the fact that the USA and the Saudi Arabia are two pivotal countries, and their relationship affects regional and international dynamics. The paper contributes to the literature on the Saudi–US bilateral relations as well as their views on recent regional issues such as the Arab Spring, the civil war in Yemen and Syria. Assessing the limits and potentials of the alliance between the two countries could also help us understand the future of regional developments in the Middle East.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-3

Purpose This paper aims to review the latest management developments across the globe and pinpoint practical implications from cutting-edge research and case studies. Design/methodology/approach This briefing is prepared by an independent writer who adds their own impartial comments and places the articles in context. Findings This research paper concentrates on the focus and inherent challenges of China’s efforts to unite the Asian region for mutual economic benefit. Chinese Government-led free trade agreements with other Asian countries, a promotion of China’s RMB currency, and the Belt and Road infrastructure initiative are all being pursued as ways of networking Asia into firm competitor to western countries like the USA on the world trade stage. Originality/value The briefing saves busy executives, strategists, and researchers’ hours of reading time by selecting only the very best, most pertinent information and presenting it in a condensed and easy-to-digest format.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-478
Author(s):  
Vivek Mishra ◽  
Sayantan Haldar

This article intends to look at how contemporary and future Asian connectivity linkages are likely to impact Asian geopolitics and geo-strategy. While China has dominated the contemporary connectivity discourse with its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), other players such as Australia, India, Japan and the USA are engaged in their own connectivity bids which often converge and intersect in the region. As a result, the countries involved in the Indo-Pacific cross-linkages are tacitly entering a game of one-upmanship. Influence through connectivity linkages has also shifted the discourse around balance of power for countries to balance of influence. It is in this context that initiatives such as the Mausam find centrality in the country’s changing outlook. This article attempts to look at Asian connectivity from a dual perspective of economic competition, on one hand, and strategic calculations, on the other hand. The scope of the article is limited to analysing China, India and Japan as leading Asian countries in the emerging connectivity competition, besides the USA as the most important external players in Asian connectivity geopolitics and geo-strategy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
A. Sait Sonmez ◽  
Samed Kurban

The general characteristic of the foreign policy adopted by Turkey for North Iraq has been shaped based on the national integrity of Iraq since the Gulf War4. However developments in this country caused an increase in seperation demands from North Iraq Kurds. On the other hand this region had become an important base for Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) since 1980’s. Turkey’s security dilemma and priorities over Iraq were formulated as “red lines” and decleraded before invasion of Iraq. But North Iraq based security issues increased after the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America (USA). Getting support of the USA Iraqi Kurds began to follow a policy as political rival of Turkey. But economic relations, which have been established with the regional Government in terms of energy and trade, caused cooperation in other fields. So transfomation of bilateral relations of Turkey and Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq (KRGI) is discussed in this paper. Aim of this paper is to analyze how economic cooperation caused cooperation in security issues such as fight against terrorism.


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