Security will drive enhanced Guatemala-Belize links

Subject The Guatemala-Belize bilateral relationship. Significance On December 17, the governments of Guatemala and Belize signed 13 agreements to boost economic and security cooperation. Common challenges, chiefly violent crime and joint economic development, are driving closer cooperation, while a boundary dispute that has soured bilateral relations for decades remains unresolved. Impacts The border dispute will remain encapsulated in order to allow a common approach to economic development in border areas. Mobility of workers and students between the two countries will increase. Both countries will also work towards regional initiatives regarding the combating of organised crime.

Subject Security strategy shift. Significance On January 5, President Jimmy Morales announced plans to withdraw the military from civilian security duties by the end of 2017. The security policy shift comes amid indications that crime rates are beginning to fall. However, a reduction of the military’s presence on the streets will see the bulk of security duties fall upon the police force, which continues to struggle with allegations of corruption and may be ill prepared for the task ahead. Impacts The government’s apparent confidence in declining crime rates will be well received by potential investors. Should it be successful, the move may encourage similar policies in neighbouring countries that struggle with violent crime. The military’s renewed focus on conventional duties may be a warning to Belize in the countries’ border dispute.


Significance The planned railway is the latest development in warming relations between Tanzania and Rwanda. Increasing ties could pave the way for a larger Tanzanian role in the region while also providing Rwanda with economic and political benefits. Impacts Improved bilateral relations will spur economic improvement and bilateral trade. Closer relations with Rwanda will shift some regional influence to Tanzania. Economic gains from the partnership could advance economic development plans that underpin Kigali's legitimacy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-114
Author(s):  
Vlado Vivoda

This paper analyses the effect of the March 11, 2011 (3/11) disaster on bilateral relations between Australia and Japan. It explores key areas of cooperation and conflict in the bilateral relationship and evaluates the extent to which these were affected by the Fukushima disaster. While the main focus is on bilateral energy relations, the paper also considers broader security and trade relationship between Canberra and Tokyo. The paper accounts for change and continuity in mutual political and economic interests, perspectives towards security cooperation, and ideational factors. The argument put forward is that the Australia-Japan relationship has been strengthened in the aftermath of the 3/11 disaster.


Subject Outlook for India-US ties. Significance As US President-elect Donald Trump’s cabinet takes shape, Delhi is concerned about future US-India relations. Having held no prior political office, and with only a thin, sometimes contradictory trail of policy pronouncements during the election campaign, a Trump government promises major uncertainties in bilateral relations. Impacts Trump’s policies, particularly with respect to China and Pakistan, will have serious knock-on effects on US-India relations. Deterioration in US-India economic ties would impede closer defence and security cooperation. A rapid escalation in US-China tensions is not in Delhi’s interest; the latter seeks a stable neighbourhood.


Subject Chinese investment in India. Significance China is one of the fastest-growing sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) in India. The two countries are trying to stabilise bilateral relations that deteriorated after a tense 73-day border dispute in mid-2017. Impacts Chinese companies’ demand for Mandarin-speaking manpower in India will rise. With India having launched e-business visas for Chinese nationals, cross-border business trips will increase. Delhi’s deepening security relationship with Washington, Tokyo and Canberra will prompt distrust in Beijing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-56
Author(s):  
Mark Shawn Cogan ◽  
Vivek Mishra

In the past, India’s resolve to connect with countries further to its east centred on its relationship with ASEAN as a group and lacked a holistic outlook as it emphasised on a lopsided approach that left out the security dimension. The bilateral relationship between Bangkok and New Delhi marks an emerging departure from this past trend. In the recent past, Thailand has emerged as a bright spot in India’s vast array of security relationships, with growing focus on maritime security, counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations, joint patrols and exchange of personnel in training. Besides boosting interoperability, increasing joint actions seek to marry India’s Act East policy with Thailand’s Look West policy, both of which emerged in the past decade of the twentieth century. Both countries look to strengthening their resolve in the Indo-Pacific, even as the region’s stability gets further complicated by sharpening Great Power politics. This article scrutinises the India–Thailand relationship from a security perspective and tests the compatibility of this emerging bilateral relationship with a regional security architecture conceptualisation in the Indo-Pacific. As such, this article seeks to fulfil two important goals: fill the literature deficit in India–Thailand relations that has often been eclipsed and subsequently neglected by the overarching canvass of India–ASEAN relations and analyse India–Thailand bilateral relations from the perspective of an emerging security partnership in the complex labyrinth of relationships in the Indo-Pacific.


Significance The two discussed security cooperation, including training of Libyan security forces by Turkey. Ankara is stepping up its political and military engagements with the Libyan Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli. Turkish officials have openly admitted to providing the GNA with drones, armoured vehicles and other weapons to help the GNA fight back against forces allied with Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, who launched a campaign to take control of the capital in April. Impacts Foreign support to both warring parties will further erode the integrity of an already weak 2011 UN arms embargo on Libya. Increased instability will harm the EU’s efforts to work with GNA authorities to stem the flow of irregular migration. Turkish suspicions of US support for Haftar, who is a US citizen, further complicates bilateral relations between Ankara and Washington.


China Report ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liu Xuecheng

Since the 1950s, the border dispute has shadowed the ebb and flow of Sino–Indian relations. The Chinese and Indian governments have attempted to resolve the border dispute through diplomatic negotiations which have generated several meaningful documents. But the basic position of both the countries on the border dispute remains unchanged. Both sides have agreed to press ahead with the frame-work negotiations in accordance with the agreed political parameters and guiding principles so as to seek a fair and reasonable solution acceptable to them. Prior to that, both sides have agreed to work together to maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas. While we are cautiously optimistic about the steady improvement of the bilateral relations between the two rising Asian giants, we are increasingly concerned about the consequences of their geopolitical rhetoric and strategic suspicion originating primarily from the unresolved border dispute. Their political leaders should understand and respect each other’s core national interests and major concerns, properly handle their differences, and seek common development and a win-win situation. A good China–India relationship makes both winners while a confrontational one makes both losers.


Author(s):  
Beverlee B. Anderson

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationships of different types of corruption and selected economic measures that appear to contribute to a country’s sustainable economic development. Design/methodology/approach – The research used selected data from the World Economic Forum Executive Opinion Survey on corruption activities (Irregular Payments and Bribes, the Diversion of Public Funds, Organised Crime, and Favouritism in Decisions of Government Officials) and Ethical Behaviour of Firms. The economic data (FDI, GDP, GDP Growth and Capital Formation among others) is from the World Bank database. A series of statistical models were developed to examine the relationships among different types of corruption and a country’s economic development. Findings – The findings are mixed, showing that some types of corruption have greater negative impact on specific aspects of economic development. Research limitations/implications – The research is limited by the availability of data from reliable sources and the availability of data on a limited number of corruption activities. Only four aspects of corruption are examined in this paper. Only selected aspects of a country’s economy were examined. The variables analysed in the study were not available for each of the 179 countries. Practical implications – A country may learn the types of corrupting activities that must be controlled to aid in the targeted growth of specific economic development, such as Direct Foreign Investment. Originality/value – This study builds on previous work by Anderson (2012, 2013) that used Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI) as a global measure of corruption. This study, in contrast, uses the results of the World Economic Forum Executive Opinion Survey, to indicate the perceived level of different types (components) of corruption. By using more specific measure of corruption, there is a better understanding of the relationships between corruption and economic development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 406-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryam Kriese ◽  
Joshua Yindenaba Abor ◽  
Elikplimi Agbloyor

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the moderating role of financial consumer protection (FCP) in the access–development nexus. Design/methodology/approach The study is based on cross-country data on 102 countries surveyed in the World Bank Global Survey on FCP and Financial Literacy (2013). The White heteroscedasticity adjusted regressions and Two-stage least squares regressions (2SLS) are used for the estimation. Findings Interactions between FCP regulations that foster fair treatment, disclosure, dispute resolution and recourse and financial access have positive net effects on economic development. However, there is no sufficient evidence to suggest that interactions between financial access and enforcement and compliance monitoring regulations have a significant effect on economic development. Practical implications First, policy makers should continue with efforts aimed at instituting FCP regimes as part of strategies aimed at broadening access to financial services for enhanced economic development. Second, instituting FCP regimes per se may not be enough. Policy makers need to consider possible intervening factors such as the provision of adequate resources and supervisory authority, for compliance monitoring and enforcement to achieve the expected positive effect on economic development. Originality/value This study extends evidence in the law–finance–growth literature by providing empirical evidence on the effect of legal institution specific to the protection of retail financial consumers on the access–development nexus using a nouvel data set, the World Bank Global survey on FCP and Financial Literacy (2013).


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