Differentiation of political parties by two extreme political groups

1977 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
THORLEIF LUND
Author(s):  
Alexander Motsyk

The article is devoted to the study of modern trends of integration processes. We studied the methodological principles and approaches to the study of the integration of subjects. Specifically analyzed integration levels: individual, regional, domestic, interstate, global. Also, isolated and characterized various forms of integration: political, economic, informational, cultural and others. We analyzed the integration process as a result of the relationship, cooperation, convergence and integration into a single unit of any parts, components countries, their economies, social and political structures, cultural, social and political groups, ethnic groups, political parties, movements and organizations. It is proved that integration has several levels of development. Interaction at the level of enterprises and organizations (first level) – directly to producers of goods and services. The integration of the economies of the main links of different countries is complemented by the interaction at the country level (the second level). The third level of development of integration processes – interaction at the level of parties and organizations, social groups and individuals from different countries – can be defined as a social and political one. Fourth level – is the level of the actual integration group as an economic community, with its characteristics and peculiarities. It was noted that today is used by political science approaches to the study of integration. It is important to the following principles: federalism, functionalism, communicative approach, and others. Keywords: Integration, levels, approaches, studies, European integration, politics, economics, features


2011 ◽  
Vol 105 (4) ◽  
pp. 790-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIA PETROVA

Media freedom strongly inhibits corruption and promotes good governance, but what leads to media freedom? Do economic development and higher advertising revenues tend to make media outlets independent of political groups' influence? Using data on nineteenth-century American newspapers, I show that places with higher advertising revenues were likelier to have newspapers that were independent of political parties. Similar results hold when local advertising rates are instrumented by regulations on outdoor advertising and newspaper distribution. In addition, newly created newspapers were more likely to enter the market as independents in places with higher advertising rates. I also exploit the precise timing of major changes in advertising rates to identify how advertising revenues affected the entry of new newspapers. Finally, I demonstrate that economic development, and concomitant higher advertising revenue, is not the only reason that an independent press expands; political factors also played a role.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Yukako Sakabe Tanaka

Why do some political groups choose to remain militant when they have the opportunity to transform into political parties or become members of state organs? By scrutinizing the power-sharing negotiations held before a country’s first election, this article argues that the group that leads the negotiations faces the challenge of accepting or declining the policy proposed by its counterpart who poses a threat of violence. Even if the counterpart proposes policy that is acceptable to the leading faction, fulfilling the commitment in regard to the political deal is another challenge for the leading faction. Such challenges often fail and consequently cause violence. In contrast, some counterparts can successfully transform themselves into non-violent political agencies regardless of whether they make compromises in policies or not. Third parties can play a vital role in avoiding violence by influencing actors’ decision-making or enhancing the leading faction’s ability to achieve its commitment. The article illustrates this argument by presenting a formal model and then testing the model by examining the case of Timor-Leste. It suggests specific conditions required for negotiations under which armed groups transform into peaceful actors when introduction of democracy and state-building are ongoing.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Lo ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Thomas Gschwend

This article presents a scaling approach to jointly estimate the locations of voters, parties, and European political groups on a common left-right scale. Although most comparative research assumes that cross-national comparisons of voters and parties are possible, few correct for systematic biases commonly known to exist in surveys or examine whether survey data are comparable across countries. Our scaling method addresses scale perception in surveys and links cross-national surveys through new bridging observations. We apply our approach to the 2009 European Election Survey and demonstrate that the improvement in party estimates that one gains from fixing various survey bias issues is significant. Our scaling strategy provides left-right positions of voters and of 162 political parties, and we demonstrate that variables based on rescaled voter and party positions on the left-right dimension significantly improve the fit of a cross-national vote choice model.


2021 ◽  
pp. 53-69
Author(s):  
Giselle García Hípola ◽  
Javier Antón Merino ◽  
Sergio Pérez Castaños

This research analyses three fundamental questions to determine how, when and by whom emotions are used in campaign materials (political propaganda). Focusing on the 2019 European elections we carry out a three-phase analysis. Firstly, we check the use of rational content against content that appeals to voters’ emotions. Secondly, we observe which of these emo tions are channelled towards the use of negative strategies and, therefore, identifying who is the object of this attack. And lastly, we determine which party families make the most use of humorous content since this resource is believed to be part of an appeal to voter’s feelings and, therefore, it is essential to know if there are differences between political groups. Considering this analytical strategy, the structure of the work begins with the contextualisation of the 2019 European elections to focus, later, on highlighting the importance of electoral campaigns as a given time when communicative activity intensifies. Once the importance of electoral campaigns has been defined the article analyses how campaign materials, in a general context of political propaganda, are one of the most powerful tools. In this sense, the analytical strategy of political parties’ campaign materials can be said to focus on the use of emotions. Data from the European Elections Monitoring Center (EEMC) has been used not only for theoretical contextualization, but throughout the whole paper.


Author(s):  
Jennet Kirkpatrick

This introductory chapter examines the current scholarship on leaving or walking away from political groups such as nation states, political parties, and civic associations. It argues that “exit” tends to have three characteristics in this literature. It is associated with individualism, anti-participation, and freedom from higher authority. In short, exit is often thought of as an act that cuts someone off from politics or frees a person from the burden on politics. The chapter suggests that there is another way to think about exit as remaining connected to politics and attached to political communities. Using James Baldwin’s self-exile from the United States as an example, it offers an initial glimpse of what this alternative way of leaving looks like and provides an overview of the chapters of the book.


Author(s):  
Fizza Farrukh ◽  
Farzana Masroor

Abstract Power, conforming to particular political groups of the society, is exercised on the masses by making them believe in the legitimacy of that dominance. This association enables the groups to exercise their power and promulgate their ideologies through their discourse as well. One illustration of this discourse appears in the form of political manifestos. Utilizing the tool of language, the political actors (as agents of political parties) set agendas, pertinent topics and position their stance in these manifestos. Framed under critical discourse analysis, the current study attempts to investigate this act of ‘legitimation’ promulgated by Chilton (2004) and the strategies of Authority Legitimation, devised by Van Leeuwen (2008). The article illustrates how the power-holders utilize their linguistic resources to authorize their stance, idea, and action. The study helps explicating the relation between power, ideology and language and promulgates consciousness regarding the reality constructed by humans, as social and political actors.


Author(s):  
Mieczysław Ryba

AbstractThe author writes about the changes on the political scene in Lublin during the First World War. Since 1915, Lublin was occupied by German and Austrian troops. Some political groups wanted to cooperate with Germany and Austria-Hungary, some opposed to this. 5th November Act 1916 gave the promise of creating a Polish state. Therefore, political parties collaborating with the Germans increased their activity. Later came the growing disappointment against German policy towards Polish. The worst was adopted the Treaty of Brest in 1918, when the Germans and Austrians gave Ukraine a part of Polish territory. In Lublin gained an advantage an anti-German group.In November 1918, the government of Lublin formed the Socialists. To the political struggle, the government began Polish nationalists.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 753-772 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Michels

The political party, etymologically and logically, can embrace only a part of the citizenry, politically organized. The party is a fraction; it is pars pro toto. Let us endeavor briefly to analyze its causal origin and its behavior.According to Max Weber, the political party has a dual teleology. It is a spontaneous society of propaganda and of agitation seeking to acquire power, in order to procure thereby for its active militant adherents chances, ideal and material, for the realization either of objective aims or of personal advantages, or of both. Consequently, the general orientation of the political party, whether in its personal or impersonal aspect, is that of Machtstreben (striving to power).In the personal aspect, parties are often based on the protection accorded inferiors by a strong man. In the Prussian diet of 1855, which was composed of a large number of political groups, each was given the name of its leader.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-56
Author(s):  
Kiki Wulandari ◽  
Putri Apriani ◽  
Zulkifly Zulkifly ◽  
Irfan Amir

The beginning of filling the first period of DPD seats (2004-2009) required that the candidate for the DPD members were not an administrator of political parties within a minimum period of four years that calculated until the date of nominating candidates. However, along with the political power struggling in parliament, this requirement then removed in the requirements for the next period of DPD membership. The implication, after being elected as DPD members, the senators forget about their constituent and choose to join certain political parties, the impact of the DPD that they were not focus anymore to fight for the local aspirations of their region, in otherwise they tend to fight for the interests of their political groups/parties. To understand and examine above the problem, the authors conducted normative legal research, with two research approaches namely the statute approach and the conceptual approach. The results showed that the constitutionality of the nomination of DPD members from political parties is the desire of political parties to occupy the DPD which is it cannot be justified, with the following arguments; (i) deny the Original Intent of DPD formation, (ii) The concept of bicameralism requires that there are differences in ingredients between the DPR and DPD so that there is no double representation.


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