scholarly journals The EU's New Economic Governance Framework and Budgetary Decision‐Making in the Member States: Boon or Bane for Throughput Legitimacy?*

Author(s):  
Robert Csehi ◽  
Daniel F. Schulz

2019 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Γιώργος Ανδρέου

Drawing on historical institutionalism, the paper seeks to compare the imprint of existing EU cohesion policy with the imprint formed on the basis of the policy reform proposals for the 2021-2027 programming period. It is deduced that the proposed changes are incremental in nature, seek to perpetuate the subjection of the goal of cohesion to the “new economic governance” and burden cohesion policy with additional general objectives. In addition, the distributivedimension of the proposals is problematic, as drastic reductions of funds are envisaged for 10 out of the 12 Central and Eastern European member states. The final conclusion is that: a) the proposed distribution of funds is politicallyunfeasible and b) the proposed reforms, while designed to limit complexity at the level of policy means, do not suffi ciently address “goal congestion” and do not event attempt to resolve the compatibility problem between the goal of cohesion – i.e. the reduction of territorial disparities – and the EU’s strategic ambitions. 



2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katerina Pantazatou

Abstract This article examines the evolution of the EU ‘redistributive’ policies in the (post-) crisis EU era. By reviewing the EU cohesion policy, the financial assistance mechanisms, the new economic governance measures and the potentials of attributing the EU fiscal capacity, it aims to conceptualize the notion of solidarity as redistribution as this has evolved by reason of the crisis. The article argues that by virtue of the diverging economies, interests and preferences of the Member States, reciprocal or ‘effects-based solidarity’ is the only type of solidarity that has been exhibited among the Member States during the crisis. It, further, shows how the principle of solidarity has not lived up to its potential in the present crisis context, but it has instead been cropped up in sharply different ways in the rhetorics and communications of political parties of all hues across the Union.



2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Laura Gómez Urquijo

The objective of this article is to contribute to the discussion on the validity of new instruments to enhance cohesion in the European Union (EU). First, we question to which extent cohesion policy is submitted to the new economic governance. Second, we discuss this subordination affects the fulfillment of cohesion aims. This question is especially relevant due to the increase of inequalities in the current economic crisis and the great diversity among State Members (including social protection systems and expenses). Thus, our starting point is the new economic governance framework and its impact on the fulfillment of cohesion objectives. Statistical data are considered with this aim. Next, we will assess the role of European Structural and Investment Funds to eventually compensate public expense cuts, as well as its subordination to the macroeconomic government. This aspect will be contrasted through the study of Country Specific Recommendations given by the European Semester. Spanish El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir a la discusión sobre la validez de los nuevos instrumentos para fomentar la cohesión en la Unión Europea. Nos preguntamos en qué modo queda sometida la política de cohesión a la nueva gobernanza económica y cómo afecta a la efectividad para cubrir susfines. Esta cuestión es particularmente relevante ante el incremento de las desigualdades suscitado en la crisis económica actual. Por ello, nuestro punto de partida es el nuevo marco de gobernanza económica y su impacto en el cumplimiento de los objetivos de cohesión, considerando para ello datos estadísticos. A continuación, valoraremos, el papel de los Fondos Estructurales y de Inversión Europeos como posibles compensadores de la reducción del gasto público así como su subordinación al gobierno macroeconómico. Esta cuestión será contrastada también a través del examen de las Recomendaciones Específicas por país dadas por el Semestre Europeo. French Le but de cet article est de contribuer à la discussion sur la validité de nouveaux instruments pour promouvoir la cohésion dans l'UE. Nous avons considéré, d'une part, en quoi la politique de cohésion est soumise à la nouvelle gouvernance économique et, d'autre part, la façon dont elle utilise l'efficacité pour répondre à ses fins.Cette question est particulièrement pertinente étant donnée l'augmentation de l'inégalité soulevée par la crise économique actuelle, dans un contexte de grande diversité d'États membres, notamment en ce qui concerne les systèmes de protection sociale et les dépenses publiques. Par conséquent, notre point de départ s'inscrit dans le nouveau cadre de gouvernance économique et son impact sur la mise en œuvre des objectifs de cohésion, à partir de la prise en compte de données statistiques. Pour ce faire, nous évaluons le rôle des Fonds Structurels Européens, leur capacité de compenser la réduction des dépenses publiques et leur subordination au gouvernement macroéconomique. Ce e question sera également abordée par l'examen des recommandations spécifiques par pays fournies par le Semestre Européen.



2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Odette Murray

AbstractThis paper applies two manifestations of the principle of good faith – pacta sunt servanda and the doctrine of abuse of rights – to the complex relationship between member states and international organizations. The paper argues that these existing doctrines operate as a legal limit on the conduct of states when creating, controlling and functioning within international organizations. The paper begins by exploring an innovative provision in the International Law Commission's recently finalised Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organisations – Draft Article 61 – according to which a member state will bear international responsibility for the act of an international organization where the member state uses the organization to circumvent its own international obligations. Examining the development of Draft Article 61 and the jurisprudence upon which it is based, this paper argues that the principle which the Commission in fact seeks to articulate in Draft Article 61 is that of good faith in the performance of treaties. As such, being based on a primary rule of international law, this paper queries whether Draft Article 61 belongs in a set of secondary rules. The paper then considers the role of states in the decision-making organs of international organizations and argues that the widely held presumption against member state responsibility for participation in decision-making organs can and should be displaced in certain cases, in recognition of the various voting mechanisms in international organizations and the varied power which certain states may wield. The paper argues that the doctrine of abuse of rights operates as a fundamental legal limit on the exercise of a member state's voting discretion, and thereby forms a complementary primary obligation placed on states in the context of their participation in international organizations.



2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-131
Author(s):  
Julia Lux

This article will investigate the ‘political crisis’ in France (Amable, 2017) to highlight two aspects often set aside in public and academic discussions: 1) the technocratic, neoliberal character of the European Union (EU) that limits democratic debate about political economic issues and 2) the socio-economic context the parties operate in. Using this perspective, I add to the debate on the inherent theoretical/conceptual tension between representative democracy and populism (Taggart, 2002) by showing how the ‘new economic governance’ increases the democratic problems of the EU by limiting the discursive space. Representative liberal democracy has particularly marginalised anti-capitalism at EU and national level. My analysis shows that the EU's discursive strategies are aligned to those of governing parties and the employers’ association. Left-wing actors and the Front National (FN) oppose the EU's discourse not necessarily for reasons of sovereignty but for political reasons concerning the politico-economic trajectory of France.



2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kawecka-Wyrzykowska

Abstract In reaction to the sharp deterioration of fiscal positions and a sovereign debt crisis in the majority of EU member states, EU leaders have been strengthening the EU economic governance framework, in particular for the eurozone member states. This has been reflected mainly through a reinforcement of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) within the so-called six-pack and through the recent adoption of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (TSCG). The objective of this paper is to present the main decisions taken to address intensifying problems in the EU and assess them from the point of view of stability of the eurozone. The paper argues that the recent adoption of the six-pack and of the TSCG has created a legal basis for more effective governance structure that is much stronger than previously, and closer fscal coordination among EU member states in order to ensure public fnance sustainability. The practical results will depend, however, on the political willingness of countries to accept the new rules and rigorous enforcement of those rules. Most of the new solutions continue the previous approach: stricter preventive and punishing rules, and their more rigorous application. TSCG has adopted a new element: parallel to EU rules, there should be enhanced national rules (possibly in the form of constitutional commitments) and national institutions responsible for fscal discipline. This approach implies that international rules are not strong enough for sovereign countries, which agree to be subject to democratically elected national authorities but do not want to follow decisions by “outside” institutions. In addition, reverse voting in the Council encourages for more pragmatic, economically justifed use of the modifed SGP. In view of a lack of political will to move forward into a political union, this seems the only realistic approach to ensure fscal stabilization and keep the eurozone alive in the short and medium run. Two main research methods have been applied: (a)Statistical analysis of data on changes of the public fnances in the EU member states (budgetary defcit and public debt), (b)comparative analysis of successive EU documents on strengthening economic governance and identifcation of strong and weak aspects of the new documents from the point of view of stability of the eurozone. The main conclusion is that in a situation of a lack of political will to move forward into a political union, the only realistic approach to ensure fscal stabilization and keep the eurozone alive in the short and medium term seems to be to enforce rigorously the recently adopted new commitments aiming at better fscal control of euro area members.



Author(s):  
Muhammad Amanullah ◽  
Muhammad Nabil Fikri Bin Mhd Zain

Shari`ah committee of every Islamic bank or other Islamic financial institutions has some specific duties. Likewise, this committee should follow some guidelines in making its decisions. Bank Nigara Malaysia (BNM) has prescribed these duties and decision-making guidelines in its Sharī‘ah Governance Framework (SGF). Using analytical and critical methods, this research paper aims to study these duties and decision-making guidelines. The duties of the Sharī‘ah  Committee set by BNM include the basic principle of advising, endorsing, supervising, assisting, consulting and reporting on Sharī‘ah  matters. Besides that, the decision-making guidelines for Sharī‘ah  Committee by BNM are well-structured and practical. This study contributes to the related literature by showing that the country’s support towards the Islamic finance sector, through BNM’s guidelines, may help the development of IFIs in the country.  The results drawn from this study may help policymakers to develop better duties and decision-making guidelines for Sharī‘ah Committees. This study is limited to the SGF issued by BNM in 2010 only. Keywords: Sharī‘ah Committee, Duties, Decision-making, Guidelines. Abstrak Jawatankuasa Shariah bagi setiap bank Islam atau institusi kewangan Islam (IFIs) mempunyai beberapa tugas tertentu. Begitu juga, jawatankuasa ini perlu mengikuti beberapa garis panduan dalam membuat keputusannya. Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) telah menetapkan tugas-tugas ini dan juga garis panduan membuat keputusan dalam Shariah Governance Framework (SGF). Dengan menggunakan kaedah analitikal dan kritikal, penyelidikan ini bertujuan mengkaji tugas-tugas serta garis panduan membuat keputusan tersebut. Tugas-tugas jawatankuasa Shariah yang ditetapkan oleh BNM merangkumi prinsip asas dalam menasihati, menyokong, menyelia, membantu, berunding dan melaporkan berkenaan isu-isu Shariah. Di samping itu, garis panduan membuat keputusan ke atas jawatankuasa Shariah yang ditetapkan oleh BNM adalah amat berstruktur dan praktikal. Kajian ini menunjukkan bahawa sokongan yang diberikan oleh negara terhadap sektor kewangan Islam melalui garis panduan ini boleh membantu kepesatan IFIs dalam negara Malaysia. Keputusan yang diperoleh daripada kajian ini dapat membantu penggubal dasar untuk membangun dengan lebih baik tugas-tugas serta garis panduan membuat keputusan untuk Jawatankuasa Shariah. Kajian ini terhad kepada SGF yang dikeluarkan oleh BNM pada tahun 2010 sahaja. Kata Kunci: Jawatankuasa Shariah, Tugas-Tugas, Membuat Keputusan, Garis Panduan.



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akash Gajanan Prabhune ◽  
Aishwarya Mallavaram ◽  
Sachin Bhat ◽  
Samridhi Pandey ◽  
Ayesha Mehar Shagufta ◽  
...  

Abstract Background: The objective of this paper was to evaluate the COVID-19 vaccine registration website across UN-recognized member states for their portal quality, reliability, Ease Use and help to the general population in informed decision making.Methods: 12 UN member states (Countries) were selected based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria mentioned in the methodology section of this paper. PPS technique was used for sampling and selection of 12 countries from 193 UN member states. Post selection of UN member states the study used 2 step evaluation techniques, Step 1 The DISCERN checklist consists of 16 questions in three sections and is aimed to assess the reliability of information and quality of information; Step 2 The QUEST tool consists of 6 items with a subitem, Authorship, Attribution, Conflict of Interest, Complementarity, Currency, Tone. The authors developed a standard set of instructions for evaluating Vaccination Portals to bring uniformity in understanding and context setting.Results: DISCERN tool overall reliability score on the Likert scale of 0 to 5 was 4 (SD ± 1.28). On Quality of information regarding treatment choices, the average score was 3.4 (SD ± 1.67). The QUEST tool on ease of use, concision, and comprehensiveness demonstrated an average score of 18.1 (SD ± 8.3) out of 28.The vaccine registration portal of the Czech Republic was found to be most informative and was able to provide a piece of scientifically valid information on safety, efficacy, long-term short effects, choice of vaccine with attributable authors details. India, Bangladesh, Nigeria, South Africa scored relatively low to missing critical information on the website. The United Arab Emirates, Republic of South Korea, Indonesia, Australia, and Argentina had minor elements missing.Conclusions: COVID-19 vaccination portals vary in the quality of information and many were found unable to provide critical information for decision making on getting vaccinated



2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 323-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Schlacke ◽  
Michèle Knodt

On 24 December 2018, the Regulation (EU) 2018/1999 on the governance system of the Energy Union and Climate Action entered into force. The Governance Regulation provides the European Union with a new regulatory regime for renewable energies and energy efficiency. It has the function of an ‘Umbrella Regulation’ which aims at the overarching control of energy and climate policies for the period 2021 to 2030. Its target is to implement the climate protection goals of the Paris Agreement. At the same time, it represents a compromise and compensation for the European Union’s lack of competences in the area of energy supply, especially concerning the determination of the energy mix of the Member States. Despite choosing a Regulation (which applies automatically) as the legislative tool, its steering and sanctioning mechanisms are in this respect rather ‘soft’: The Regulation gives the Member States a wide scope of decision-making. Which goals and instruments are established by the Governance Regulation, which scope of decision making remains at the national level, how Germany exercises its decision making powers and how it should be exercised are key questions addressed in this article.



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