scholarly journals Soft or Hard Power? Discourse Patterns in Brazil's Foreign Policy Toward South America

2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola M. Lustig

AbstractThis article analyzes the discourse of Brazil's foreign policy toward South America from 1995 to 2010 by means of quantifying, codifying, and weighting all speeches registered in the homogeneous and periodic official documentation of Brazil's Ministry of Foreign Affairs using a discourse analysis approach. The aim is to investigate discourse patterns in order to qualify Brazil's foreign policy as either hard power or soft power and to identify the orientation and differences in its discourse of foreign policy regarding each country of South America during the presidential terms of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003–2010).

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (73) ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Miloš Hrnjaz ◽  
Milan Krstić

Abstract This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.


Author(s):  
Natalia Markushina

The chapter is devoted to the problem of the formation of “soft power” in the Eurasian space. All attempts to find a common language between states in the world lead to the fact that an appeal to “soft power” appears more and more often on the states' agenda as a tool of achieving the goals of the states, including the states of Eurasian region. The concept of “soft power”, introduced into the circulation of the modern theory of international relations by J. Nye, is being actively discussed in Russia. In recent years, President V. Putin and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S. Lavrov were repeatedly called upon to multiply the Russian resource of “soft power” for solving foreign policy tasks. Undoubtedly, this is also valid when we speak about Eurasian integration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-14
Author(s):  
Taraf Kurniadi

Politik luar negeri Indonesia yang bebas aktif memerlukan keluwesan dan kelincahan diplomasi di dunia internasional. Dewasa ini, munculnya soft power sebagai alternatif hard power membawa implikasi pada pelaksanaan diplomasi. Soft diplomacy merupakan pendekatan diplomasi melalui aspek ekonomi, sosial, budaya bahkan charitable affair untuk mencapai tujuan nasional negara.  Melalui studi literatur dan kebijakan/regulasi, salah satu  stimulus soft diplomacy Indonesia adalah dengan memberikan hibah (grant) untuk tujuan kemanusiaan maupun non kemanusiaan kepada pemerintah/lembaga asing  seperti yang dilakukan tahun 2014-2018. Sepanjang ada pledge Presiden/direktifnya, kementerian/ lembaga bertanggung jawab atas kegiatan, hibah kepada pemerintah/ lembaga asing  dapat diberikan. KPA bertanggung jawab hanya atas transfer hibah dari Kas Negara ke rekening penerima. Ada alasan tertentu, hibah  diberikan untuk komunitas dan diaspora Indonesia misalnya hibah untuk IMAAM Center, Maryland, IMCQ Queensland dan asrama mahasiswa di Al Azhar. Perbaikan perlu dilakukan atas mekanisme penganggaran yang memakan waktu dari pengusulannya dan kegagalan transfer belanja hibah karena persyaratan pencairan yang tidak dipenuhi.     Indonesia's foreign policy, which is independent and active, requires flexibility and agility in international diplomacy. Nowadays, the emergence of soft power as an alternative to hard power has implications for diplomacy implementation. The soft diplomacy is a diplomatic approach through economic, social, cultural and even charitable aspects to achieve our national goals. Through the literature and policy/regulation studies, one of Indonesia's soft diplomacy stimulus is to provide grants for humanitarian and non-humanitarian which are intended for foreign governments/institutions  such as those conducted in 2014-2018.. As long as there is a pledge by the President or his directive and the ministry/agency to be responsible for the related activities, a grant to the foreign government/institution can be given. KPA is only responsible for the transfer of grants from the State Treasury to the grantee's account. For any particular reason, grants are given to Indonesian communities and diaspora, for example, grants for IMAAM Center, Maryland, IMCQ Queensland and student dormitories at Al Azhar. The budgeting mechanism is needed to be improved to avoid any failure of transfer grant because of the time-consuming process and unsufficient requirements in the existing mechanism.


2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Fozia Bibi

Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.


Politeia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-80
Author(s):  
Farhana Paruk

China’s foreign policy has been isolationist for most of the past 100 years.During the past 30 years it has gradually shifted to becoming a global power in international relations; in the process it has joined several multilateral organisations and played a key role in establishing its prominence within these organisations.This article focuses on China’s use of “soft power” to conscientiously and strategically enhance its global appeal. China’s diplomatic strategy uses multilateralism, economic diplomacy and a good-neighbour policy as three forms of soft power in order to increase its attractiveness in the international community and, together with its hard power, to manage its rise as a world power.


Author(s):  
Peter S Henne

Abstract Soft power is a perennial buzzword in policy discussions, but its popularity has not translated into scholarly or policy impact. In this policy article, I argue that this is because many references to soft power are vague and undefined, referring to any use of culture or ideology in a state's foreign policy and leaving unclear soft power's relationship with hard power. Drawing on recent scholarly work on nonmaterial sources of power, I address this issue by arguing that soft power is one among several forms of cultural–symbolic instruments of power that can either complement or substitute for material resources. I also provide a typology to categorize these forms, according to whether they involve direct or diffuse relations, and whether they are intended to integrate or fragment international collective action. This approach can provide more specific language to both analyze and advocate for alternatives to military and economic tools in statecraft. I demonstrate its utility with illustrative case studies on Saudi and Russian foreign policy. This article can contribute to policy debates by allowing for more clarity in discussions on soft power and related forms of power. It can also contribute to scholarship in this area by helping to better connect it to policy discussions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhidin J. Shangwe

In recent years, China has embraced the idea of soft power with ever more keen interest. Today, soft power is Beijing’s key strategy in international politics, albeit not in the way the concept is understood and applied in the West. However, this strategy can hardly be said to have yielded fruit in Africa despite China’s growing visibility and presence over the last two decades. This article aims at probing this issue by examining how China’s soft power is manifested in Tanzania. In an attempt to show that soft power is not entirely a new practice in international politics, the article first applies a historical perspective to illustrate that it has been part and parcel of Chinese diplomacy, long before the term was coined by Joseph Nye in 1990. The article then analyzes Chinese activities in Tanzania and how they have shaped perceptions of Tanzanians of China in the era of globalization. These activities are structured in line with three traditional sources of soft power as postulated by Nye, namely culture, political values and foreign policy. As a supplement to Nye’s definition, however, elements of hard power are also included in the article, such as the use of economic inducements to produce, bolster and wield soft power. In general, China has made headway in its soft power ambitions by gaining positive reviews in Tanzania. While the current achievement is crucial as an initial step, there is still a long way to go for China in consolidating its soft power. Although China has earned admiration in some quarters of Tanzanian society, it is still premature to assume that in the long run Beijing will continue to enjoy increasing soft power in the country. Indeed, in some cases, such admiration only exists in verbal recognition. In the meantime, activities that damage China’s image have further complicated matters and undermined China’s soft power in Tanzania.


2018 ◽  
pp. 78-94
Author(s):  
Sławomir Niedźwiecki

The main purpose of the article is to ask whether the European Union is a smart power actor. Most of the previous research has treated the EU as a soft power. This work is an analysis of the tools which the European Union uses in its foreign policy. Research has been conducted in the context of types of powers, which have been formulated by Joseph Nye: hard power, soft power and smart power. It was necessary to survey what instruments does the European Union use to have impact on other participants of international relations. Nowadays, a range of these tools is relatively developed, taking into account that the EU is an international organisation. In the conclusion, it is stated that the contemporary European Union should be treated as a soft power, but simultaneously it is an actor which attempts to become a smart power, and has relevant predispositions to it.


Author(s):  
Joshua D. Kertzer

How does the public think about foreign affairs, and how do these public preferences shape foreign policymaking? Over the past several decades, scholarship on public opinion and foreign policy has proliferated, partially due to a growing interest in the “first image” and the ways in which individuals matter in international relations, partially due to an experimental revolution that gave political scientists new methods they could use to study public opinion, and partially due to a range of searing debates—on topics ranging from the Iraq War to globalization—whose fault lines political scientists attempted to map. Scholarship in this area is thus so vast that it is impossible to comprehensively capture in an annotated bibliography of this length. Instead, the discussion that follows focuses on a curated sampling of the field, focusing, in particular, on six sets of substantive questions, drawing on a mix of classic and contemporary scholarship. It begins by reviewing what we know about how foreign policy attitudes are structured, before focusing on public opinion about two different areas of foreign policy: the use of force, and foreign economic issues like trade and investment. It then turns to the effects of sex and gender, along with the role of cue givers in shaping foreign policy preferences—whether partisan elites, international organizations, or social peers. It concludes by reviewing the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy, whether in democracies (as in theories of democratic constraint and accountability), transnational public opinion (as in theories of soft power and anti-Americanism), or in nondemocratic regimes, a relatively new area of research.


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