scholarly journals IMPLEMENTASI PEMBERIAN HIBAH PEMERINTAH INDONESIA KEPADA PEMERINTAH/LEMBAGA ASING SEBAGAI STIMULUS SOFT DIPLOMACY

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-14
Author(s):  
Taraf Kurniadi

Politik luar negeri Indonesia yang bebas aktif memerlukan keluwesan dan kelincahan diplomasi di dunia internasional. Dewasa ini, munculnya soft power sebagai alternatif hard power membawa implikasi pada pelaksanaan diplomasi. Soft diplomacy merupakan pendekatan diplomasi melalui aspek ekonomi, sosial, budaya bahkan charitable affair untuk mencapai tujuan nasional negara.  Melalui studi literatur dan kebijakan/regulasi, salah satu  stimulus soft diplomacy Indonesia adalah dengan memberikan hibah (grant) untuk tujuan kemanusiaan maupun non kemanusiaan kepada pemerintah/lembaga asing  seperti yang dilakukan tahun 2014-2018. Sepanjang ada pledge Presiden/direktifnya, kementerian/ lembaga bertanggung jawab atas kegiatan, hibah kepada pemerintah/ lembaga asing  dapat diberikan. KPA bertanggung jawab hanya atas transfer hibah dari Kas Negara ke rekening penerima. Ada alasan tertentu, hibah  diberikan untuk komunitas dan diaspora Indonesia misalnya hibah untuk IMAAM Center, Maryland, IMCQ Queensland dan asrama mahasiswa di Al Azhar. Perbaikan perlu dilakukan atas mekanisme penganggaran yang memakan waktu dari pengusulannya dan kegagalan transfer belanja hibah karena persyaratan pencairan yang tidak dipenuhi.     Indonesia's foreign policy, which is independent and active, requires flexibility and agility in international diplomacy. Nowadays, the emergence of soft power as an alternative to hard power has implications for diplomacy implementation. The soft diplomacy is a diplomatic approach through economic, social, cultural and even charitable aspects to achieve our national goals. Through the literature and policy/regulation studies, one of Indonesia's soft diplomacy stimulus is to provide grants for humanitarian and non-humanitarian which are intended for foreign governments/institutions  such as those conducted in 2014-2018.. As long as there is a pledge by the President or his directive and the ministry/agency to be responsible for the related activities, a grant to the foreign government/institution can be given. KPA is only responsible for the transfer of grants from the State Treasury to the grantee's account. For any particular reason, grants are given to Indonesian communities and diaspora, for example, grants for IMAAM Center, Maryland, IMCQ Queensland and student dormitories at Al Azhar. The budgeting mechanism is needed to be improved to avoid any failure of transfer grant because of the time-consuming process and unsufficient requirements in the existing mechanism.

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Tetyana Meteliova ◽  
Vira Chghen

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.


Author(s):  
Alexander Lawrie

Most states worldwide possess two or three levels of government, from national to provincial and localities. Subnational governing arrangements are emerging in response to widespread decentralization, globalization, and urbanization, with this level increasingly considered the ideal spatial scale for effectively harnessing governing capacity. Yet regional governing arrangements often lack the traditional statutory and administrative governing tools of the state. Instead, they tend to rely on voluntary co-ordination and co-operation. Emboldened with more traditional governing tools, provincial and local states can work against these networks to protect their own power. This case study of Sydney, Australia, examines the dimensions of hard and soft power in a regional governing network and the role of provincial and local actors in determining the prospects for regional governance. In the absence of state-like mechanisms of hard power, the soft power on which regional governing networks rely will likely remain inferior for the governing task.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk

With the instrumentalisation of Islam via the state apparatuses in foreign policy, Sunni Islam has become both an instrument and a purpose of the repressive Justice and Development Party and Turkey has started to be one of the front runners of countries who are increasingly competing for using Islam as a foreign policy tool. This relatively new role of Turkey has created various diverging ideas among the host countries where Turkey is active. While some countries are rather content with Turkey’s religiously fueled policies and humanitarian aid, and define Turkey as one of the most influential actors which can use religion as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of religious soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices and instrumentalisation of religion for these. Under these circumstances, this study defines Turkey’s religious soft power as an ambivalent one and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity via exploring some country cases from Southeast Europe.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola M. Lustig

AbstractThis article analyzes the discourse of Brazil's foreign policy toward South America from 1995 to 2010 by means of quantifying, codifying, and weighting all speeches registered in the homogeneous and periodic official documentation of Brazil's Ministry of Foreign Affairs using a discourse analysis approach. The aim is to investigate discourse patterns in order to qualify Brazil's foreign policy as either hard power or soft power and to identify the orientation and differences in its discourse of foreign policy regarding each country of South America during the presidential terms of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003–2010).


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-416
Author(s):  
Jordan Tama

Abstract Given the US president's leading role in many areas of American foreign policy, one might expect the president to prevail in executive-legislative clashes over economic sanctions. In this paper, I show that, with surprising frequency, US legislators overcome presidential opposition to their sanctions proposals and induce the president to take foreign policy actions that he or she would not otherwise take. My argument explains why the president often signs and implements sanctions legislation despite considering it inadvisable, as well as how sanctions legislation can influence foreign policy actions, the behavior of foreign governments, or international diplomacy in other ways. I support the argument with descriptive statistics based on an original data set of over a hundred legislative sanctions proposals and a case study of the effects of legislative initiatives targeting Iran over a period of two decades. The paper's findings show that legislative activity is more important than some previous research on sanctions and US foreign policy suggests.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Aliyandi Aiylandi

The desire of mankind to live full of serenity and peace will never be realized if acts of terror, greed, injustice, and whatever form that represents a sanity still remain grounded. History has noted that acts of terrorism and violence, not a problem solving, but make complicated and increasing a problem. Terrorism is a form of extraordinary crime (extra ordinary crime). In an effort to prevent the understanding of terrorism that becomes the enemy of the state and also the religious community, the government or the security side must also coordinate with the scholars, da'i and community figures in order that the society and the country are getting away from munkar. The government and society should not allow rampant injustice and socio-economic imbalance. Therefore, according to Nur Syam really needed is the integration between hard power and soft power to overcome this religious radicalism. The hard power represented by government is essentially to cope instantaneously or to cope quickly with the radical movement. But far more important is the role of soft power or community - including APDI (Association of Indonesian Dakwah Profession) - to carry out guidance and community development that puts Islamrahmatan lil alamin forward.


2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 12-22
Author(s):  
Abida Yousaf ◽  
Fozia Bibi

Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.


Politeia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-80
Author(s):  
Farhana Paruk

China’s foreign policy has been isolationist for most of the past 100 years.During the past 30 years it has gradually shifted to becoming a global power in international relations; in the process it has joined several multilateral organisations and played a key role in establishing its prominence within these organisations.This article focuses on China’s use of “soft power” to conscientiously and strategically enhance its global appeal. China’s diplomatic strategy uses multilateralism, economic diplomacy and a good-neighbour policy as three forms of soft power in order to increase its attractiveness in the international community and, together with its hard power, to manage its rise as a world power.


Author(s):  
Peter S Henne

Abstract Soft power is a perennial buzzword in policy discussions, but its popularity has not translated into scholarly or policy impact. In this policy article, I argue that this is because many references to soft power are vague and undefined, referring to any use of culture or ideology in a state's foreign policy and leaving unclear soft power's relationship with hard power. Drawing on recent scholarly work on nonmaterial sources of power, I address this issue by arguing that soft power is one among several forms of cultural–symbolic instruments of power that can either complement or substitute for material resources. I also provide a typology to categorize these forms, according to whether they involve direct or diffuse relations, and whether they are intended to integrate or fragment international collective action. This approach can provide more specific language to both analyze and advocate for alternatives to military and economic tools in statecraft. I demonstrate its utility with illustrative case studies on Saudi and Russian foreign policy. This article can contribute to policy debates by allowing for more clarity in discussions on soft power and related forms of power. It can also contribute to scholarship in this area by helping to better connect it to policy discussions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 79-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhidin J. Shangwe

In recent years, China has embraced the idea of soft power with ever more keen interest. Today, soft power is Beijing’s key strategy in international politics, albeit not in the way the concept is understood and applied in the West. However, this strategy can hardly be said to have yielded fruit in Africa despite China’s growing visibility and presence over the last two decades. This article aims at probing this issue by examining how China’s soft power is manifested in Tanzania. In an attempt to show that soft power is not entirely a new practice in international politics, the article first applies a historical perspective to illustrate that it has been part and parcel of Chinese diplomacy, long before the term was coined by Joseph Nye in 1990. The article then analyzes Chinese activities in Tanzania and how they have shaped perceptions of Tanzanians of China in the era of globalization. These activities are structured in line with three traditional sources of soft power as postulated by Nye, namely culture, political values and foreign policy. As a supplement to Nye’s definition, however, elements of hard power are also included in the article, such as the use of economic inducements to produce, bolster and wield soft power. In general, China has made headway in its soft power ambitions by gaining positive reviews in Tanzania. While the current achievement is crucial as an initial step, there is still a long way to go for China in consolidating its soft power. Although China has earned admiration in some quarters of Tanzanian society, it is still premature to assume that in the long run Beijing will continue to enjoy increasing soft power in the country. Indeed, in some cases, such admiration only exists in verbal recognition. In the meantime, activities that damage China’s image have further complicated matters and undermined China’s soft power in Tanzania.


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