scholarly journals Right‐Wing Rural Populisms: Comparative Analysis of Two European Regions*

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerio Corradi
Der Staat ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-396
Author(s):  
Shu-Perng Hwang

Angesichts des markanten Aufstiegs des Rechtspopulismus in den vergangenen Jahren drängt sich die Frage immer wieder auf, ob oder inwiefern das Parlament den eigentlichen Volkswillen (noch) vertreten kann, und wie im Zeitalter der Globalisierung und Digitalisierung der eigentliche Volkswille überhaupt festzustellen und effektiv durchzusetzen ist. In dieser Hinsicht steht das Vertrauen in die Fähigkeit des Parlaments, den wahren Volkswillen herauszubilden und zu artikulieren, erneut vor großen Herausforderungen. Durch eine vergleichende Analyse zwischen den Demokratietheorien Böckenfördes und Kelsens zeigt der vorliegende Beitrag, weshalb und inwiefern das weitverbreitete Verständnis des Volkswillens und dessen Rolle in der parlamentarischen Demokratie gerade vor dem heutigen Hintergrund eine kritische Besinnung verdient. Es wird argumentiert, dass gerade in demokratischer Hinsicht nicht die Suche nach dem „wahren Volkswillen“, sondern nach wie vor die Gewährleistung der Menschen- bzw. Grundrechte der Einzelnen und insbesondere der Minderheiten von zentraler Bedeutung sein soll. In view of the spread of right-wing populism in recent years, the question as to how the will of the people is to be ascertained and expressed has attracted much attention in constitutional scholarship. In particular, the issue of whether or to what extent the parliament is (still) capable of representing and demonstrating the will of the people has been repeatedly discussed and debated. Through a comparative analysis of Böckenförde’s und Kelsen’s democratic theories, this article critically examines the problems of the widespread understanding of the will of the people as a real-empirical existence and its significance for the realization of democracy. Accordingly, it points out why and in what sense the reference to the so-called real will of the people would undermine rather than promote democracy. This article concludes by arguing that, precisely for the sake of democracy, what is crucial is not to determine what the “real will of the people” is, but rather to guarantee the freedom of the individual and especially of the minorities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (9) ◽  
pp. 1496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Pushkar

The Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) is currently intensively applied in several European countries. The aims of the present study were to compare the difference between (i) two countries from the same region (i.e., Finland vs. Sweden or Turkey vs. Spain) and (ii) two European regions (northern Europe [Finland and Sweden] vs. [Turkey and Spain]) when the LEED- New Construction (NC) 2009 Certified rating level certified projects were analyzed. We found that, in the northern and southern parts of Europe, LEED- NC 2009 credit achievements in terms of Sustainable Sites (SS), Water Efficiency (WE), Materials and Resources (MR), and Indoor Environmental Quality (EQ) were similar, whereas credit achievements in Energy and Atmosphere (EA) were different. High achievements were revealed in WE and SS, with values of 80–100% and 70–75%, respectively; intermediate achievements were revealed in EQ, with values of 40–60%; and low achievements were revealed in MR (20–40%). EA achievements were intermediate (60–65%) in northern Europe, while they were low in southern Europe (40%). This evidence can help recognize the categories that are performed with a high number of points and those that are performed with a low number of points.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-227
Author(s):  
Noemí Peña-Miguel ◽  
Beatriz Cuadrado-Ballesteros

This article analyses the effect of political factors on privatisation reforms and considers the practical implications of such policy from a comparative point of view in Europe. According to a sample of 25 countries in 1995–2013, our findings suggest that privatisation reforms could be impeded by veto players, fragmentised governments and political competition. These reforms tend to be used less by politicians who have been in power for a long period of time and implemented at the start of an office term, except in the case of right-wing governments. Our findings support greater privatisation in concentrated conservative governments, especially when the next elections are about to be held.


Author(s):  
Jesse J. Norris

Previous literature has analyzed entrapment in post-9/11 jihadi terrorism cases, but has neglected similarly compelling entrapment claims among left-wing terrorism defendants. The Article bridges this gap through an in-depth analysis of the four post-9/11 left-wing terrorism cases involving an informant or undercover agent. Based on a review of these cases, the Article concludes that at least three of the four cases had strong entrapment claims, and that realistically, none of the defendants in the four cases would have committed any terrorist offense without government prompting. A comparative analysis of different types of domestic terrorism finds broad similarities in the characteristics of entrapment claims in jihadi, left-wing, and right-wing terrorism cases. However, jihadi entrapment cases are far more numerous, left-wing and jihadi entrapment claims are considerably stronger and more prevalent than right-wing claims, and left-wing terrorism cases feature certain informant tactics rarely if ever found in other cases. The Article situates the left-wing entrapment claims in the context of wider government attempts to target left-wing activists, and provides an initial analysis of the main factors leading to questionable sting operations in left-wing terrorism cases.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joost van Spanje

AbstractAcross Western Europe, parties have emerged that are both right wing and in favour of restrictions on immigration. These parties are commonly referred to in terms of either ideology (e.g. ‘far right’) or policy (‘anti-immigration’). This article compares far right parties, selected on the basis of their ideologies, and anti-immigration parties, selected based on their immigration policies. I argue and empirically demonstrate that, contrary to what the extant literature suggests, these sets of parties are not identical. I point out similarities and differences, showing why it is useful to distinguish between these two types of party. The article concludes by discussing the relevance of these differences to the relevant literature.


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