The Iraq War and the War on Terror

Balance Sheet ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 16-38 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Iraq War ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 516-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefka Hristova

In analyzing the deployment of biomertics in Iraq, argue that whereas the body was seen as a site of verification in 20th century surveillance and identification practices, in the ongoing War on Terror, and the Iraq War more specifically, it became a site of veridiction - a site in which the truth about the security of the state can be analyzed (Foucault 2008:32). The body thus became the basis for determining not so much one’s unique identity but one’s friendliness to the normative state order. Enemies could thus be identified and confined as a group, and in this process the state could be secured. In the ongoing of the War on Terror, the visual regime of veridiction has been further articulated to the logic of digital technologies in order to categorize an unfamiliar diverse population into a binary simplistic schema consistent of true and false, therefore friend or foe, and thus “go” - allowed to move through the country or “no go” - destined to be detained. In other words, the digitization of veridiction as the primary goal of biometrics is evident in the automation of the recognition method, the conversion of the archive into database, the transition away from the anthropological station onto mobile dispersed data-gathering enterprise, and replacement of scientific expertise with easy-to-use automated intelligence.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIA RYAN

This article examines the development of two distinct theories of American internationalism in the 1990s – the political humanitarianism of the liberal hawks and the unipolarism of the neoconservatives – and the fundamentally different and opposing grounds on which these two groups supported the 2003 Iraq War. The liberal hawks, however, failed almost completely to examine the motivations of the neoconservative architects of the “war on terror.” Instead, they imposed their own normative schema on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and campaigned for them as wars of liberation. Their almost total failure to engage with the intellectual origins of the war led them to accept uncritically the idealistic rhetoric of the President and to assume that the Bush administration and the neoconservatives were motivated by the same idealism and world view as they were themselves. This led them to dismiss critics of the war as opponents of liberal values. As the situation in Iraq worsened, they continued to view the war as a moral endeavour – just one that had gone wrong, as opposed to a war fought for strategic reasons in which nation building was never a priority.


Author(s):  
Marina Calculli

This chapter explores contemporary security in the Middle East by highlighting the nexus between the uses and justification of violence. Focusing on the post 9/11 reordering of the Middle East, it shows how state and non-state actors use the rhetoric of the ‘war on terror’ to depoliticize military interventions against political rivals. More specifically, it argues that such actors mobilize the politics of shame to contain and undermine their rivals. Such efforts are met with attempts to counter-shame and re-politicize the use of violence, producing a cycle of action and counter-action that seeks to legitimize and delegitimize competing visions of security and order in the Middle East. In this context, security and insecurity are two sides of the same coin that fluctuate according to the prevailing balance of power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 147
Author(s):  
Evan Davis

Professor Tucker has an especially topical theme this time, and the result is impressive. The prolific editor of military-related reference volumes provides an overview of the tumultuous first fifteen years of the century and helpful grounding in where events may go from here. Given that the series arrives at the end of a dramatic election cycle in which national security is a major concern, this is a product every library with a military or history reference collection should consider buying.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 550-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd A. Collins ◽  
Kenneth A. Wink ◽  
James L. Guth ◽  
C. Don Livingston

AbstractIn this article, we add to the evolving literature examining the importance of religious orientation and political elite behavior. We use data on the religious affiliations of United States House of Representative members to test the influence of religion on military funding for the “War on Terror.” Our findings indicate that, even after controlling for traditional political factors, such as ideology and partisanship, representatives' religious backgrounds often played a role in support for this bill. Roman Catholics, African-American Protestants, and those of other religions and the non-religious were more strongly opposed to funding for military intervention than mainline Protestants, even after controlling for other factors. This article provides a further look at the influence of religion and suggests that factors outside the traditional political dynamics may also be important in examining elite behaviors.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Aasima Safdar ◽  
Samia Manzoor ◽  
Aqsa Iram Shahzadi

The present research focused on how much Pakistani English press tracked the foreign policy stance of the Pakistani government in the presentation of incidents related to the war on terror. Pakistani authorities reinforced war on terror and Afghanistan war but did not support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. For the present analysis, the editorials of Dawn and the Nation were selected from 12 September 2001 to 11 September 2003. Thematic analysis of the editorial coverage through NVIVO 10 was conducted. It was found that, during the war against Afghanistan that took place in 2001, Pakistani English press did not support the Pakistani governments stance. Many critical themes were noted from the data. However, during Iraq war that happened in 2003, Pakistani English press toed the Pakistani governments policy during and stressed the government to take more proactive stance against Iraq war. Overall, it could be stated that the Pakistani English press partially conformed the foreign policy stance of Pakistani government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Dominika Ruszkiewicz

Both Geoffrey Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde and Joyce Carol Oates’s Carthage are set in times of war, the Trojan War and the Iraq War, respectively, and both are associated with love on the one hand, and loss on the other. In fact, Carthage contains many echoes of the past, with the main characters of the novel, Juliet and Cressida Mayfield, bringing connotations with Chaucer’s and Shakespeare’s works, their father compared to an old Roman general, and Corporal Brett Kincaid likened to the hero of chivalric romances. The aim of this article is to argue that Oates’s Carthage may be seen as a modern Troilus and Cressida story in that it presents aspects of medieval reality in a modern guise, with the most poignant and recurrent association being that between the “war on terror” and medieval crusades and the emotion dominating the characters’ reactions being rage, an emotion which occurs in relation to the fires of passion and war in Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde, Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida, and Joyce Carol Oates’s Carthage.


Balance Sheet ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 16-38
Author(s):  
Steven Simon
Keyword(s):  
Iraq War ◽  

Author(s):  
Anne Norton

This chapter describes the Iraq war and the war in Afghanistan as desert wars, even though they are fought in cities, mountains, and marshes. Americans believe that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights. That America is home to many peoples with different cultures, languages, and faiths testifies that it is not for itself alone, but for all the world. The conviction that America offers a home to people of every place and faith spoke against discrimination after the terrorist attacks of September 11. The War on Terror saw America desert its principles for torture, secret prisons, and extraordinary rendition. This chapter examines how Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo became places where Americans confront troubling domestic issues, such as the pathologies of pornography and celebrity, the myth of gender equality, and the burden of racial inequality.


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