Zebras (Genus Equus) from nine Quaternary sites in Kenya, East Africa

1981 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. S. Churcher

The Olduvai zebra, Equus oldowayensis, is identified or confirmed from the following sites: Olorgesailie, Lake Magadi; Marsabit Road, Northern Kenya; Chemoigut Beds (Chesowanja), Baringo Basin; Wajir, Northeast Kenya; Bura, Tana River; Makalia River (MacInnes Site), Rift Valley; Legetet, Koru; Karmosit, Suguta River; and Kanjera, Homa Mountain, all in Kenya, on the evidence from isolated teeth and other fragments. Burchell's zebra, E. burchellii, appears to have been absent from all the sites except possibly Olorgesailie and the Chemoigut Beds.E. oldowayensis is known from about 1.8 Ma ago in Bed I at Olduvai Gorge and from about 1.9 Ma ago in the Shungura Formation (Member G) in the Omo deposits, before which no reliable records are recognised. It was the common and dominant zebra of the latest Pliocene and Pleistocene in the East African plains and was replaced by the present common zebra, E. burchellii, only during the latest Pleistocene and Holocene times. E. oldowayensis is similar to modern Grevy's zebra, E. grevyi, to which it gave rise, and these two zebras are not directly related to Burchell's zebra.


Author(s):  
John Galaty

The Rift Valley is a stage on which the history of Eastern Africa has unfolded over the last 10,000 years. It served as a corridor for the southward migration from the Upper Nile and the Ethiopian highlands of Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic speakers and cultures, with their domestic animals, which over time defined and restructured the social and cultural fabric of East Africa. Genetic evidence suggests that, contrary to other regions in Africa where geography overrides language, the clustering of East African populations primarily reflects linguistic affiliation. Eastern Sudanic Nilotic speakers are dedicated livestock keepers whose identification with cattle over thousands of years is manifested in elaborate symbolism, networks created by cattle exchange, and the practice of sacrifice. The geographical attributes of rich grasslands in a semi-arid environment, close proximity of lowland and highland grazing, and a bimodal rainfall regime, made the Rift Valley an ideal setting for increasingly specialized pastoralism. However, specialized animal husbandry characteristic of East Africa was possible only within a wider socioeconomic configuration that included hunters and bee-keeping foragers and cultivators occupying escarpments and highland areas. Some pastoral groups, like Maasai, Turkana, Borana, and Somali, spread widely across grazing areas, creating more culturally homogeneous regions, while others settled near one another in geographically variegated regions, as in the Omo Valley, the Lake Baringo basin, or the Tanzanian western highlands, creating social knots that signal historical interlaying and long-term mutual coexistence. At the advent of the colonial period, Oromo and Maasai speakers successfully exploited the ecological potential of the Rift environment by combining the art of raising animals with social systems built out of principles of clanship, age and generation organizations, and territorial sections. Faced with displacement by colonial settlers and then privatization of rangelands, some Maasai pastoralists sold lands that they had been allocated, leading to landlessness amid rangeland bounty. Pastoral futures involve a combination of education, religious conversion, and diversified rangeland livelihoods, which combine animal production with cultivation, business, wage labor, or conservation enterprises. Pastoralists provide urban markets with meat, but, with human population increasing, per capita livestock holdings have diminished, leading to rural poverty, as small towns absorbing young people departing pastoralism have become critical. The Great East African Rift Valley has had a 10,000-year history of developing pastoralism as one of the world’s great forms of food production, which spread throughout Eastern Africa. The dynamics of pastoral mobility and dedication to livestock have been challenged by modernity, which has undermined pastoral territoriality and culture while providing opportunities that pastoralists now seek as citizens of their nations and the world.



1944 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. E. Kent

The great volume of extrusive rocks which has accumulated during and since the Tertiary period is one of the most important geological features of East Africa, and one which various people have related to the formation of the Rift Valley System.



2005 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 199-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Jennings

During the early nineteenth century, European travelers and residents in east Africa wrote of an important pastoralist society, called Loikop, that dominated the plains of the Rift Valley, and whose divisions included, among others, the rapidly expanding Maasai. These pastoralists were described in detail by three missionaries: Johann Ludwig Krapf, Johannes Rebmann, and Jakob Erhardt. Their various journals, letters, and published articles, written during the 1840s and 1850s, are widely recognized as the earliest documentary evidence for Maasai and Parakuyo history. But they have often been neglected, and sometimes deliberately shunned, in favor of later written or oral sources, perhaps because their views of pastoralist history, including the idea of a pastoralist Loikop community, seem rather incongruous when compared to those of more recent vintage.This skepticism was fueled partly by the fact that during the course of the nineteenth century, Maasai expanded dramatically, demolishing and absorbing other Loikop sections; eventually, Maasai pastoralist identity superseded and erased that of Loikop. By the time of European colonial conquest, the term “Loikop” carried negative connotations, and scholars from this point forward had difficulty in seeing any other valid meaning for the term. This essay is devoted to making the case for restoring the idea of Loikop pastoralists in our narratives of east African history. In many ways, it is a response to John Berntsen's “The Enemy Is Us: Eponymy in the Historiography of the Maasai,” published in 1980.



1980 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Berntsen

A major theme in the historiography of the Rift Valley region of east Africa has been the series of raids and wars during the nineteenth century between groups of Maa-speaking peoples who dominated the plains from northern Kenya to central Tanzania. Since the 1840s European and African observers have tended to divide the combatants into two factions, usually called the Maasai on one hand and the Iloikop (or Kwavi) on the other. Since the 1880s European administrators and western scholars have tended to designate the groups they have called Maasai as “pastoralists” or sometimes “pure pastoralists” and the groups they have called Iloikop/Kwavi as “agriculturalists” or “semi-pastoralists.” According to this interpretation, the “Iloikop Wars” or the “Wars between the Maasai and the Iloikop” of the nineteenth century pitted agricultural Maa-speakers against pastoral Maa-speakers. In surveying the relevant literature and in analyzing the European descriptions in light of explanations of my Maasai informants, it became clear that this orthodox dichotomy rests on a mistakenly static perception of socio-economic groups and denies the precariousness of pastoral life in the Rift Valley. Scholarly acceptance of the Maasai-Iloikop (Kwavi) dichotomy as the basis of interpretation of nineteenth-century Maasai history has resulted in a serious distortion of that history and an avoidance of more complex and important issues. In this paper I will review the literature on the “identities” of the Maa-speaking peoples -- identities attributed to them by outside observers -- and subject those interpretations to the perceptions and explanations of the Maa-speaking peoples themselves.



PhytoKeys ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 147 ◽  
pp. 1-191
Author(s):  
Veronicah Mutele Ngumbau ◽  
Quentin Luke ◽  
Mwadime Nyange ◽  
Vincent Okelo Wanga ◽  
Benjamin Muema Watuma ◽  
...  

The inadequacy of information impedes society’s competence to find out the cause or degree of a problem or even to avoid further losses in an ecosystem. It becomes even harder to identify all the biological resources at risk because there is no exhaustive inventory of either fauna or flora of a particular region. Coastal forests of Kenya are located in the southeast part of Kenya and are distributed mainly in four counties: Kwale, Kilifi, Lamu, and Tana River County. They are a stretch of fragmented forests ca. 30−120 km away from the Indian Ocean, and they have existed for millions of years. Diversity of both fauna and flora is very high in these relicts and the coastal forests of Eastern Africa, extending along the coast from Somalia through Kenya and Tanzania to Mozambique, are ranked among the priority biodiversity hotspot in the world. In spite of the high plant species richness and their importance towards supporting the livelihoods of the communities that live around them, floristic studies in these forests have remained poorly investigated. Hence, based on numerous field investigations, plant lists from published monograph/literature, and data from BRAHMS (Botanical Records and Herbarium Management System) database at East African herbarium (EA), we present a detailed checklist of vascular plants recorded in this region. Our results show that Kenyan coastal forests play an essential role in the flora of Kenya and the plant diversity of the coastal forests of East Africa. The checklist represents 176 families, 981 genera, 2489 species, 100 infraspecific taxa, 90 endemic plants species, 72 exotic species, and 120 species that are included in the current IUCN Red List of Threatened Species as species of major concern. We also discovered three new species to the world from these relicts. Thus, Kenyan coastal forests present a remarkable and significant center of plant diversity.



1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-287
Author(s):  
Donald C. Mead

This article explores the prospects for co-ordinated co-operative economic advance in East Africa. Its frame of reference reaches wider than simply an analysis of the 1967 Treaty.1 This broader viewpoint is important for two major reasons. In the first place, there are a number of aspects of economic interdependence which are not covered at all in the Treaty; the implication is that these will be of no direct concern to the institutions of the new East African Community (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania). For example, the level of the external tariffs of the three countries is obviously crucial to the operation of the Common Market; among other reasons, this is because the maximum permissible transfer tax is defined in terms of the external tariff. Yet the committee responsible for setting external tariffs is not linked in any direct way with the institutional set-up in Arusha; it seems likely that decisions of the tariff committee will not be subject to discussion or appeal through these community institutions.



By means of the methods of Lewis & Dorman (1970), the isostatic response has been computed for an area 800 km square of East Africa, surrounding the Kenya rift valley. By applying linear programming to the inversion of these data, it can be shown that local compensation models involving only negative density contrasts fit the response data at confidence levels of up to 80%. Comparison of the gravity anomalies of the compensation with the results of seismic array measurements made by Long & Backhouse (1976) shows that the East African plateau is compensated differently from the highland region around the rift valley known as the Kenya dome. The dome is supported by a region of the mantle with low density, low seismic P velocity, and high electrical conductivity, almost certainly a zone of partial melting. The linear programming technique can be used to show that, to satisfy the data, the top of the anomalous zone must be no deeper than 55 km. If the density anomaly is entirely due to melting, the average melt concentration in the uppermost 50 km of the mantle must exceed 6%.



2004 ◽  
Vol 94 (6) ◽  
pp. 593-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander B. C. Mkandawire ◽  
Robert B. Mabagala ◽  
Pablo Guzmán ◽  
Paul Gepts ◽  
Robert L. Gilbertson

Common bacterial blight (CBB), caused by Xanthomonas campestris pv. phaseoli and X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans, is one of the most important diseases of common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris) in East Africa and other bean-growing regions. Xanthomonad-like bacteria associated with CBB in Malawi and Tanzania, East Africa, and in Wisconsin, U.S., were characterized based on brown pigment production, pathogenicity on common bean, detection with an X. campestris pv. phaseoli- or X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans-specific PCR primer pair, and repetitive element polymerase chain reaction (rep-PCR) and restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) analyses. The common bean gene pool (Andean or Middle American) from which each strain was isolated also was determined. In Malawi, X. campestris pv. phaseoli and X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans were isolated predominantly from Andean or Middle American beans, respectively. In Tanzania, X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans was most commonly isolated, irrespective of gene pool; whereas, in Wisconsin, only X. campestris pv. phaseoli was isolated from Andean red kidney beans. Three rep-PCR fingerprints were obtained for X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains; two were unique to East African strains, whereas the other was associated with strains collected from all other (mostly New World) locations. RFLP analyses with repetitive DNA probes revealed the same genetic diversity among X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains as did rep-PCR. These probes hybridized with only one or two fragments in the East African strains, but with multiple fragments in the other X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains. East African X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains were highly pathogenic on Andean beans, but were significantly less pathogenic on Middle American beans. In contrast, X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains from New World locations were highly pathogenic on beans of both gene pools. Together, these results indicate the existence of genetically and geographically distinct X. campestris pv. phaseoli genotypes. The rep-PCR fingerprints of X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans strains from East African and New World locations were indistinguishable, and were readily distinguished from those of X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains. Genetic diversity among X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans strains was revealed by RFLP analyses. East African and New World X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans strains were highly pathogenic on Andean and Middle American beans. Breeding for CBB resistance in East African beans should utilize X. campestris pv. phaseoli var. fuscans and New World X. campestris pv. phaseoli strains in order to identify germ plasm with the highest levels of resistance.



Transfers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
Michael Pesek

This article describes the little-known history of military labor and transport during the East African campaign of World War I. Based on sources from German, Belgian, and British archives and publications, it considers the issue of military transport and supply in the thick of war. Traditional histories of World War I tend to be those of battles, but what follows is a history of roads and footpaths. More than a million Africans served as porters for the troops. Many paid with their lives. The organization of military labor was a huge task for the colonial and military bureaucracies for which they were hardly prepared. However, the need to organize military transport eventually initiated a process of modernization of the colonial state in the Belgian Congo and British East Africa. This process was not without backlash or failure. The Germans lost their well-developed military transport infrastructure during the Allied offensive of 1916. The British and Belgians went to war with the question of transport unresolved. They were unable to recruit enough Africans for military labor, a situation made worse by failures in the supplies by porters of food and medical care. One of the main factors that contributed to the success of German forces was the Allies' failure in the “war of legs.”



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