scholarly journals The Supply Chain Diversification and India–South Korea Cooperation in a Contested East Asia in the Post-COVID-19 Era

Author(s):  
RAJIV KUMAR

This paper analyzes the dynamics of supply chain diversification in a contested East Asia and their implications for India–South Korea cooperation in the post-COVID-19 era. Major powers have sought to restructure supply chain by designing a strategy to reduce their reliance on China-controlled supply chain. The United States–China trade and technological war, Asian regional powers’ escalating conflicts with a rising China, and pandemic-induced supply chain disruptions have played key roles in driving the restructuring process. India and South Korea, Asia’s two major economies, have also re-evaluated their supply chain strategies. As this paper explains, on the one hand, India has been striving to emerge as a supply chain hub for key industries by ending China’s control. On the other hand, South Korea has also been aiming to diversify its supply chain beyond China under the New Southern Policy. Against that backdrop, critical developments concerning supply chain cooperation have occurred between the two countries amid the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic has not only facilitated the opening of high-level political exchanges on supply chain but also brought tangible outcomes, as Korean companies have become active participants in India’s quest to build an India-centric supply chain. I conclude this study by contending that the two countries are “natural partners” in reshaping the supply chain dynamics in East Asia in the post-COVID-19 era.

2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 373-382
Author(s):  
Hartwig Spitzer

AbstractToday the Treaty on Open Skies is confronted with contradictory developments: Continuing adherence of all parties, in particular Russia and the United States to the treaty and preparations for modernisation of the technical monitoring capabilities on the one hand, while the general support for conventional arms control and military confidence building in the OSCE region declines. Since January 2011 an intervention of Turkey over the accession application of Cyprus has prevented any regular sessions and decisions of the Open Skies Consultative Commission ( OSCC ). The treaty is taken hostage for an unsolved status conflict which has much wider dimensions. Since the impasse in the OSCC could not be solved on the diplomatic level so far (Oct. 2011), high level political intervention is needed to save the treaty from erosion.


Significance Presumptive presidential election winner Joe Biden is reputed not to have trusted Suga’s predecessor, while Democratic governments in general are seen in Tokyo as giving Japan a low priority. Impacts A US return to multilateralism will begin to rebuild Japan’s diminished respect for the United States. East Asia specialists may return to the US State Department, making for better informed and probably more consistent policy towards Japan. Talks on repairing Japan-South Korea relations are reportedly underway behind the scenes; a creative solution may be found. Together with European partners, Japan and the United States would make a powerful alliance at the COP26 climate talks in November 2021.


2017 ◽  
pp. 139-160
Author(s):  
Pradumna B. Rana ◽  
Wai-Mun Chia

This chapter focuses on infrastructure connectivity issues that are required for providing efficient service links between production blocs. It argues that after enjoying a rich history of about 1,600 years, the Silk Roads (land connectivity) went into disrepair. Now, for various reasons, land connectivity is once again making a comeback in Asia. First, is the growing importance of supply chain trade or parts and component trade which require efficient service links. The second is the ‘Go West’ policy and the ‘One Belt, One Road’ policy in China. The third is the opening of Myanmar, the node between SA and EA. This chapter also reviews bilateral, regional, and Asia-wide efforts to revive land connectivity including the ASEAN–India Connectivity projects and the recently initiated Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Economic Corridor. The chapter then proposes several new Trans-Himalayan Economic Corridors for seamless Pan-Asian connectivity between South Asia, Central Asia, and East Asia.


2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHONG-MIN PARK

In this article, we attempt to describe how ordinary people in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan view democracy and its authoritarian alternatives and how they experience institutional practices of their democracies to determine the extent of cultural and institutional democratization. The analysis of the 2006 AsiaBarometer Survey data shows that although the citizens of East Asian democracies unequivocally reject military authoritarian rule, they are ambivalent toward civilian authoritarian rule, and are not yet fully committed to democracy. The analysis also shows that they are not satisfied with the provision of civil rights and institutions of horizontal accountability, but remain highly satisfied with voting rights, which suggests that East Asian democracies are not adequately liberal, though unmistakably electoral, in the eyes of ordinary people. On the basis of this finding, we conclude that East Asian democracies fail to achieve a high-level equilibrium between the popular demand for democracy and the institutional supply of democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jung-Wee Park ◽  
Seok-Hyung Won ◽  
Sun-Young Moon ◽  
Young-Kyun Lee ◽  
Yong-Chan Ha ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The annual number of hip arthroplasties is increasing combined with the aging population worldwide. In accordance with the increasing number of primary hip arthroplasties, the number of revision total hip arthroplasties (THAs) is expected to increase. The incidence and burden of revision THAs in the United States and have been reported by registry studies. To identify potential differences according to ethnics and regional practice, it is important to obtain data from East Asia. Nevertheless, there has been a lack of studies on the burden and future projection of revision THA based on a large-scale database in East Asia. The purpose of this study was to evaluate annual incidence and burden of revision THAs and to project the future burden in South Korea. Methods We identified primary THAs, primary hemiarthroplasties (HAs) and revision THAs, which were performed from 2010 to 2018, using database of Health Insurance and Review and Assessment (HIRA); nation-wide medical claim system of South Korea. The annual incidence rates (per 100,000) of primary THA, primary HA and revision THA, and the annual burden of revision THA; the number of revision THAs divided by the sum of primary hip arthroplasties and revision THAs, were calculated. The future burden of revision THAs were projected through 2030 using generalized linear model with Quasi-poisson regression. Results During the 9-year period, the annual incidences of primary THA, primary HA and revision THA increased by 47, 29 and 3%, respectively, while the revision burden decreased from 0.13 to 0.10. Compared to 2018, the annual incidences of primary THA, HA, and revision THA were projected to increase by 7.2, 2.3 and 1.1% per year, respectively, whereas the burden of revision THA was projected to decrease to 0.07 in 2030. Conclusion Trends of revision THA in South Korea were similar with those of national registry studies from the United States. The annual incidence of revision THA has steadily increased, whereas its burden has decreased. Findings of our study could be used for epidemiological comparison between Western countries and East Asia as well as for the establishment of medical policies of revision THA in East Asian countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-44
Author(s):  
M. Najeri Al Syahrin

This article will explain the regional security complex as a key challenge in the establishment of regional security cooperation in East Asia. The complex of security in East Asia described by explaining the security relations between North Korea and South Korea, China and Japan, the United States with Japan, and China with the United States and a pattern of chain reaction to the various security policies of these countries. This security complex makes it difficult to establish effective regional security cooperation. The Challenge of the regional security complex that most decisive in the formation of cooperation that will be done by the countries of the East Asia region is due to competition and differences of interests between the United States and China as a superpower state in the region. In addition, the many differences in the nature and orientation of political interests of Japan, South Korea, and North Korea are also still a constraint in the formation of regional security organizations and cooperation.


Author(s):  
M. V. Skrypnyk

The US policy towards North Korea is shaped by the nuclear non-proliferation policy and security guarantees provided to Japan and the Republic of Korea. These guarantees have a dual purpose. On the one hand, they are a tool to deter the DPRK from aggression against other countries in the region and, above all, US allies – Japan and South Korea. On the other hand, these guarantees are also an assurance of the latter's abandonment of the policy of acquiring a nuclear arsenal. The aim of the article is to analyze the foundations of Washington's policy towards Pyongyang and its influence on relations with allies through the prism of the theory of extended nuclear deterrence. It is stated that the effectiveness of deterrence consists of the conviction of the willingness to react with an adequate response. At the same time, the persuasiveness of extended deterrence is lower, as the protecting state must respond to threats from the ally that is to say outside its own national borders. There is controversy among scholars who reflect on the relevance of extended deterrence during the Cold War and in the modern security environment. It is noted that the emergence of new threats and an increasing number of conflicts, if any, change the nature of extended deterrence, but this does not diminish the importance of the "nuclear umbrella" of the United States for both the NPT and the security of the region. The author analyzes the reasons for the United States' security guarantees for South Korea and Japan. Particular attention is paid to the factor of North Korea's aggressive policy and its progress in the development of the nuclear missile program. With the reduction and withdrawal of US troops from Japan and South Korea, Pyongyang's destructive policies have exacerbated the American allies' sense of danger and provoked talks about developing their own nuclear programs. This scenario threatened the NPT regime and international stability, as well as US strategic interests in the region. Therefore, Washington is stepping up cooperation with its allies in the process of resolving the problem of North Korea's nuclear missile program and is officially reaffirming its unwavering security and defense commitments, which should restore trust between the parties and increase the role of extended deterrence in general.


Subject New developments in relations between Taiwan, China and the United States. Significance On February 28, the US Senate unanimously passed a bill, the Taiwan Travel Act, which -- when the president signs it into law -- will allow for high-level visits by government officials between Taiwan and the United States. China immediately criticised the measure, arguing that it undercut the ‘one-China’ principle on which China-US relations are based. China threatened vague retaliatory measures against Taiwan. Impacts China will ramp up pressure on Taiwan through military activities, such as airspace violations. Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen will lose support within her party as she resists calls to pursue formal independence from China. Chinese President Xi Jinping's removal of presidential term limits and other illiberal policies will deepen suspicion of China in Taiwan.


Asian Survey ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Cha ◽  
Katrin Katz

For the Obama administration, unforeseen dynamics in East Asia over the past year have escalated the importance of the U.S.-ROK alliance to unprecedented levels for the United States. But the alliance remains vulnerable to external shocks, rendering the continuation of the current phase of unmitigated harmonious ties far from certain.


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