Abstract 14788: African Americans and Hispanics Are Disproportionately Impacted by Obesity: National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys (NHANES) 2003-2018

Circulation ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (Suppl_3) ◽  
Author(s):  
michael K palmer ◽  
Peter P Toth
Keyword(s):  
Morbid Obesity ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African Americans ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Normal Weight ◽  
Morbidly Obese ◽  
The Us ◽  
Hispanic Men

Introduction: There are numerous health disparities impacting African Americans and Hispanics compared to other racial and ethnic groups in the US leading to poorer clinical outcomes. Obesity is an important risk factor predisposing to cardiac and renal diseases and it is important to quantify differences in obesity in greater detail. Hypothesis: African Americans and Hispanics may be disproportionately and adversely impacted by obesity. Methods: From 77007 participants in 8 NHANES surveys (between 2003-2004 and 2017-2018), we included 39952 aged 20-79 years. Participants with BMI data (n = 39440, 98.7%) were categorized as being underweight (BMI < 18.5), normal (BMI 18.5 - <25), overweight (BMI 25 - <30), obese (BMI 30 - <40) or morbidly obese (BMI 40+). Results were extrapolated to the entire US population (50 states plus the District of Columbia) using the direct method to the US Census 2000 population. The R language was used to perform statistical analyses. Results: Morbid obesity is as more common in black women (16%) compared with white or Hispanic women (both 8%). Black women are more overweight, obese, or morbidly obese compared with black men (80% vs 71%). Black men (7%) have a higher prevalence of morbid obesity compared to white (5%), Hispanic (5%), or “other” (race other than Hispanic, black, Asian, or white) racial/ethnic groups (4%). Hispanic men (80%) and African American women (80%) have the highest prevalence of overweight/obesity/morbid obesity. Normal weight is more common among race/ethnicity ‘other’ in both men and women. White women have a higher prevalence of normal weight compared to white men (34% vs 25%). Conclusion: There are important differences in the prevalence of obesity and morbid obesity between racial and ethnic groups in US adults. More emphasis needs to be placed on preventing/treating morbid obesity, particularly in Hispanic men and African American women, to reduce CV risk and correct disparities in health outcomes.

Abstract 14675: Rising Prevalence of Obesity in the Us: National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) 2003-2018

Circulation ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (Suppl_3) ◽  
Author(s):  
michael palmer ◽  
Peter P Toth
Keyword(s):  
Morbid Obesity ◽  
Direct Method ◽  
Normal Weight ◽  
P Value ◽  
Morbidly Obese ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Adult Men ◽  
The Us ◽  
Census 2000 ◽  
Prevalence Of Obesity

Introduction: Obesity is increasing globally. Obesity exacerbates risk for diabetes, dyslipidemia, hypertension, and ASCVD. We evaluated the prevalence of overweight and obese adults in the US during 2003-2018. HYPOTHESIS: The percentage of men and women overweight/obese is increasing continuously and may exceed the percentage with ‘normal’ weight. Methods: From 77007 participants in 8 NHANES surveys (between 2003-2004 and 2017-2018), we selected 39952 aged 20-79 years for this analysis. Participants with BMI data (n = 39440, 98.7%) were categorized as being underweight (BMI < 18.5), normal (BMI 18.5 - <25), overweight (BMI 25 - <30), obese (BMI 30 - <40) or morbidly obese (BMI 40+). Results were extrapolated to the entire US population (50 states plus the District of Columbia) using the direct method to the US Census 2000 population. Statistical analyses were performed in the R language. Results: There are statistically significant mean increases in BMI (95% confidence interval and p-value) between successive surveys of 0.18 (0.11, 0.25, p<0.0001) for men and 0.24 (0.14, 0.33, p<0.0001) for women. There are clear trends in morbid obesity (BMI 40+) from 3% in the first survey to 7% among men in the last survey, and from 7% to 12% in women. Obesity/morbid obesity (BMI 30+) increased from 31% to 44% in men and from 34% to 43% in women. About 78% of adult men are either overweight, obese, or morbidly obese (BMI 25+) in the most recent survey, an increase from 71% in the first survey. Among women 70% are either overweight, obese, or morbidly obese, an increase from 63% in the first survey. Very few US adults (1-2%) are underweight (BMI<18.5). About one quarter of US adults have normal weight (BMI 18.5- 25). Conclusion: During the period 2003-2018, there has been a substantial rise among both US adult men and women in BMI who are overweight/obese. This necessitates invigorated public education about the clinical hazards posed and the need for lifestyle/dietary modification to stem this crisis.

scholarly journals Racism as a Leading Cause of Death: Measuring Excess Deaths in the US

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daisy Massey ◽  
Jeremy Faust ◽  
Karen Dorsey ◽  
Yuan Lu ◽  
Harlan Krumholz
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Mortality Rate ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Cause Of Death ◽  
White Women ◽  
Black People ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
White People ◽  
The Us ◽  
Excess Deaths

Background: Excess death for Black people compared with White people is a measure of health equity. We sought to determine the excess deaths under the age of 65 (<65) for Black people in the United States (US) over the most recent 20-year period. We also compared the excess deaths for Black people with a cause of death that is traditionally reported. Methods: We used the Multiple Cause of Death 1999-2019 dataset from the Center of Disease Control (CDC) WONDER to report age-adjusted mortality rates among non-Hispanic Black (Black) and non-Hispanic White (White) people and to calculate annual age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people from 1999-2019. We measured the difference in mortality rates between Black and White people and the 20-year and 5-year trends using linear regression. We compared age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people to the primary causes of death among <65 Black people in the US. Results: From 1999 to 2019, the age-adjusted mortality rate for Black men was 1,186 per 100,000 and for White men was 921 per 100,000, for a difference of 265 per 100,000. The age-adjusted mortality rate for Black women was 802 per 100,000 and for White women was 664 per 100,000, for a difference of 138 per 100,000. While the gap for men and women is less than it was in 1999, it has been increasing among men since 2014. These differences have led to many Black people dying before age 65. In 1999, there were 22,945 age-adjusted excess deaths among Black women <65 and in 2019 there were 14,444, deaths that would not have occurred had their risks been the same as those of White women. Among Black men, 38,882 age-adjusted excess <65 deaths occurred in 1999 and 25,850 in 2019. When compared to the top 5 causes of deaths among <65 Black people, death related to disparities would be the highest mortality rate among both <65 Black men and women. Comment: In the US, over the recent 20-year period, disparities in mortality rates resulted in between 61,827 excess deaths in 1999 and 40,294 excess deaths in 2019 among <65 Black people. The race-based disparity in the US was the leading cause of death among <65 Black people. Societal commitment and investment in eliminating disparities should be on par with those focused on other leading causes of death such as heart disease and cancer.

scholarly journals Repercussions of Stereotyping and Cultural Bigotry in John Updike’s 9/11 Fiction

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-73
Author(s):  
Saleem Dhobi
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Western Culture ◽  
Cultural Integration ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Cultural Groups ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
The Us ◽  
American Society

This article analyzes Updike’s 9/11 novel, Terrorist to explore the implications of stereotyping and cultural bigotry in US society in the aftermath. The novelist demonstrates the problematic in the cultural integration of minorities particularly Muslims and Jews as represented by Ahmad and Jack Levy. The primary motto of the article is to analyze the novel from the perspective of the protagonists Ahmad and Jack who suffer the cultural and social exclusion in American society. Ahmad is the victim of cultural bigotry and Jack Levy faces discriminatory practices at school. The isolation and marginalization of Ahmad and Jack respectively imply the ethnic crevices prevalent in the US society. The author demonstrates that the dominant cultural groups: European and African Americans do not accept the religious minorities: Muslims and Jews. Consequently, Muslims who are overtly the targets of cultural hatred and marginalization in the aftermath of the 9/11 as portrayed in the novel become hostile toward the Western culture. The efforts for integration of religious minorities are cosmetic as exemplified in the cases of Ahmad and Jack in the text. The writer makes a balance in representing both dominant and Muslim cultures to demonstrate the problems pertaining to ethnic groups at their failure in accommodating differences. The cultural separation and hatred prevalent in US society become obstacles even for those like Jack who seek to integrate. The paper eventually demonstrates the possibility of integration of religious minorities when both mainstream Americans and people of religious minorities conform to accepting the differences.

A White Man’s War?

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Brian Taylor
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Black Men ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Army ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Founding Principle ◽  
Proper Response

This chapter looks at the first two years of the Civil War, when black men were barred from serving in the US Army. It follows the debate that black Northerners conducted about the proper response to the call to serve in the US military, which they were sure would come at some point. Immediate enlistment advocates sparred with those who counseled withholding enlistment until African Americans’ demands had been met. Black Northerners began to articulate the terms under which they would serve the Union, among which citizenship emerged as central, as well as the changes necessary to bring lived reality in the United States in line with the founding principle of equality.

scholarly journals THE SEQUEL: THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT, THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT, AND SOUTHERN BLACK WOMEN'S STRUGGLE TO VOTE

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liette Gidlow
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Woman Suffrage ◽  
The South ◽  
American Women ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Fifteenth Amendment

This essay reframes both the woman suffrage narrative and narratives of African American voting rights struggles by focusing on the experiences of southern African American women between the 1870s and the 1920s. It argues that the Fifteenth Amendment remained central to their suffrage strategy long after the failure of the “New Departure” to win court sanction caused white suffragists to abandon it. As white supremacists in the South worked at the turn of the century to disfranchise black men, leading African American suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell, Gertrude Bustill Mossell, and Adella Hunt Logan called for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments as well as the enfranchisement of black women. After the federal woman suffrage amendment was ratified in 1920, many southern African American women encountered the same barriers to voting—obstructionist tactics, threats, and violence—that black men had faced a generation earlier. In short, for aspiring African American voters in the South, the failure of the Nineteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black women constituted a sad sequel to the failure of the Fifteenth Amendment to secure voting rights for black men.This interpretation offers three significant interventions. It pairs the Reconstruction-era Amendments with the Nineteenth Amendment, recognizing their shared focus on voting rights. It connects the voting rights struggles of southern African Americans across genders and generations. Finally, it finds that, for some women, the canonical “century of struggle” for voting rights continued long after the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified.

Media Constructions of Culture, Race, and Ethnicity

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Travis L. Dixon ◽  
Kristopher R. Weeks ◽  
Marisa A. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Video Games ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Black Men ◽  
The United States ◽  
Music Videos ◽  
Entertainment Media ◽  
Latino Immigration ◽  
Black And Latino

Racial stereotypes flood today’s mass media. Researchers investigate these stereotypes’ prevalence, from news to entertainment. Black and Latino stereotypes draw particular concern, especially because they misrepresent these racial groups. From both psychological and sociological perspectives, these misrepresentations can influence how people view their racial group as well as other groups. Furthermore, a racial group’s lack of representation can also reduce the group’s visibility to the general public. Such is the case for Native Americans and Asian Americans. Given mass media’s widespread distribution of black and Latino stereotypes, most research on mediated racial portrayals focuses on these two groups. For instance, while black actors and actresses appear often in prime-time televisions shows, black women appear more often in situational comedies than any other genre. Also, when compared to white actors and actresses, television casts blacks in villainous or despicable roles at a higher rate. In advertising, black women often display Eurocentric features, like straight hair. On the other hand, black men are cast as unemployed, athletic, or entertainers. In sports entertainment, journalists emphasize white athletes’ intelligence and black athletes’ athleticism. In music videos, black men appear threatening and sport dark skin tones. These music videos also sexualize black women and tend to emphasize those with light skin tones. News media overrepresent black criminality and exaggerate the notion that blacks belong to the undeserving poor class. Video games tend to portray black characters as either violent outlaws or athletic. While mass media misrepresent the black population, it tends to both misrepresent and underrepresent the Latino population. When represented in entertainment media, Latinos assume hypersexualized roles and low-occupation jobs. Both news and entertainment media overrepresent Latino criminality. News outlets also overly associate Latino immigration with crime and relate Latino immigration to economic threat. Video games rarely portray Latino characters. Creators may create stereotypic content or fail to fairly represent racial and ethnic groups for a few reasons. First, the ethnic blame discourse in the United States may influence creators’ conscious and unconscious decision-making processes. This discourse contends that the ethnic and racial minorities are responsible for their own problems. Second, since stereotypes appeal to and are easily processed by large general audiences, the misrepresentation of racial and ethnic groups facilitates revenue generation. This article largely discusses media representations of blacks and Latinos and explains the implications of such portrayals.

scholarly journals Predictors of Retention Among African Americans in a Randomized Controlled Trial to Test the Healthy Eating and Active Living in the Spirit (HEALS) Intervention

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oluwole A. Babatunde ◽  
Swann Arp Adams ◽  
Micheal D. Wirth ◽  
Jan M. Eberth ◽  
Jameson Sofge ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Randomized Controlled Trial ◽  
Logistic Regression ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Behavioral Interventions ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Controlled Trial ◽  
Intervention Group ◽  
Normal Weight ◽  
Morbidly Obese ◽  
Randomized Controlled

<p class="Pa7"><strong>Introduction: </strong>Retention of racial/ethnic minority groups into research trials is neces­sary to fully understand and address health disparities. This study was conducted to identify participants’ characteristics associ­ated with retention of African Americans (AAs) in a randomized controlled trial (RCT) of a behavioral intervention.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Methods: </strong>Using data from an RCT con­ducted from 2009 to 2012 among AAs, participant-level factors were examined for associations with retention between three measurement points (ie, baseline, 3-month, and 12-month). Chi-square tests and logistic regression analyses were conducted to compare retained participants to those who were not retained in order to identify important predictors of retention.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Results: </strong>About 57% of participants (n=238) were retained at 12 months. Baseline char­acteristics that showed a statistically signifi­cant association with retention status were age, marital status, body mass index (BMI), intervention group, enrollment of a partner in the study, and perceived stress score (PSS). Multivariable logistic regression that adjusted for age, BMI, and PSS showed the odds of being retained among participants who enrolled with a partner was 2.95 (95% CI: 1.87-4.65) compared with participants who had no study partner enrolled. The odds of being retained among participants who were obese and morbidly obese were .32 and .27 (95% CI: .14-.74 and .11-.69), respectively, compared with participants who had normal weight.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Having a partner enrolled in behavioral interventions may improve retention of study participants. Researchers also need to be cognizant of participants’ obesity status and potentially target reten­tion efforts toward these individuals. <em></em></p><p><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2017;27(3):265-272; doi:10.18865/ed.27.3.265.</p><strong></strong>

scholarly journals Identity and the Legislative Decision Making Process: A Case Study of the Maryland State Legislature

2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Brown
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women Legislators ◽  
Men I

Both politicians and the mass public believe that identity influences political behavior yet, political scientists have failed to fully detail how identity is salient for all political actors not just minorities and women legislators. To what extent do racial, gendered, and race/gendered identities affect the legislation decision process? To test this proposition, I examine how race and gender based identities shape the legislative decisions of Black women in comparison to White men, White women, and Black men. I find that Black men and women legislators interviewed believe that racial identity is relevant in their decision making processes, while White men and women members of the Maryland state legislature had difficulty deciding whether their identities mattered and had even more trouble articulating how or why they did. African American women legislators in Maryland articulate or describe an intersectional identity as a meaningful and significant component of their work as representatives. More specifically, Black women legislators use their identity to interpret legislation differently due to their race/gender identities.

scholarly journals Does Body Mass Index Affect Mortality in Coronary Surgery?

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 240-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aristotle D. Protopapas
Keyword(s):  
Body Mass Index ◽  
Morbid Obesity ◽  
Body Mass ◽  
Artery Bypass ◽  
Normal Weight ◽  
The Body ◽  
Morbidly Obese ◽  
Coronary Surgery ◽  
Crude Mortality ◽  
Underweight Patients

Introduction: The Body Mass Index (BMI) quantifies nutritional status and classifies humans as underweight, of normal weight, overweight, mildly obese, moderately obese or morbidly obese. Obesity is the excessive accumulation of fat, defined as BMI higher than 30 kg/m2. Obesity is widely accepted to complicate anaesthesia and surgery, being a risk factor for mediastinitis after coronary artery bypass grafting (CABG). We sought the evidence on operative mortality of CABG between standard BMI groups. Materials and Methodology: A simple literature review of papers presenting the mortality of CABG by BMI group: Underweight (BMI ≤ 18.49 kg/m2), normal weight (BMI 18.5–24.9 kg/m2), overweight (BMI 25.0–29.9 kg/m2), mild obesity (BMI 30.0–34.9 kg/m2), moderate obesity (BMI 35.0–39.9 kg/m2), or morbid obesity (BMI ≥ 40.0 kg/m2). Results: We identified 18 relevant studies with 1,027,711 patients in total. Their variability in size of samples and choice of BMI groups precluded us from attempting inferential statistics. The overall cumulative mortality was 2.7%. Underweight patients had by far the highest mortality (6.6%). Overweight patients had the lowest group mortality (2.1%). The group mortality for morbidly obese patients was 3.44%. Discussion: Patients with extreme BMI’s undergoing CABG (underweight ones more than morbidly obese) suffer increased crude mortality. This simple observation indicates that under nutrition and morbid obesity need be further explored as risk factors for coronary surgery.

“Latter-Day Slavery”

2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-143
Author(s):  
Susan D. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
White Led ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document