Culture, Social Science & the Philippine Nation-State

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul Pertierra

AbstractThe self-understanding of a national community as a culturally homogeneous and spatiotemporally delimited entity provided the model for a distinct sphere of the social. It was this new understanding of the social as a theoretical category that made sociology possible. The modern nation-state and sociology are intimately linked. But even as social science requires the resources of the nation-state, it is equally dependent on a vigorous civil culture distinct from the state. Society is the ultimate source for the state's legitimacy. Society arises out of an association of which the nation-state, however important, is but one expression.Technological and economic development is now often used as justifications for the nation-state. But in the present global context, the nation-state is no longer the primary source for knowledge or investment, at least for countries such as the Philippines. The boundaries between nation-states have become porous as center and periphery are increasingly intertwined. Under these conditions, identities no longer represent cores but rather intersections of experience.No longer grounded in a local routine of everyday life with its corresponding set of collective images, culture increasingly becomes merely representation or the domain of signifying practices rather than the arena of practical significations. Under these conditions, where culture is not necessarily collectively shared but only synchronically networked, it becomes almost a personal quest rather than a communal affair. The expression of such a diasporal and subjective identity is manifested in the rise of new forms of ethnicities. In these contexts, culture can be visualized as landscapes and experienced as representations.Cartesian space-time assumes the homogeneous nature of extension/duration, such that any point in the system of coordinates can be expressed as a value of a given function. For modernity, the social can be plotted or imagined as one such function, all of whose members are linked to one another spatio-temporally. A nation-state is a collectivity whose functional representation assumes that all its members share a simultaneous present, and hence, a commonly anticipated future. Any point on this set of spatio-temporal coordinates is functionally linked to other points through membership in a common order called the nation-state.Nation-states see themselves as culturally homogeneous to facilitate the rational negotiation of difference. This view of culture is possible (but not necessary) because modernity is based on a sense of simultaneous presentness generating a commonly anticipated future. Modern society is an association of individuals functionally coordinating their actions to this simultaneous present. However, globality is making other presents possible, resulting in a world with an excess of meaning but a lack of sense.A feature of modernity is the crucial role of knowledge for the expression, maintenance and reproduction of power. While knowledge represents a form of power in all societies, certain modes of power can only be expressed through their relationship with knowledge. Hence, the functionalization of society is a pre-condition for power to be exercised through its control of knowledge. Power requires new forms of knowledge, such as social science, for its effectiveness in modern society. A critical social science is necessary to counterbalance modern society's functional goals if social science is also to play an emancipatory role.he indigenization of social science is an attempt to formalize this distinct perspective but its insistence on unproblematically using the nation as its referent limits its usefulness. In the present condition, the nation-state is no longer the primary site for knowledge-production or identity-formation. These practices now involve personal, local, global and other choices, following their increasingly polyvalent nature. In its attempts to imagine the nation through indigenous concepts, a Philippine social science risks essentializing Filipinohood by reducing its differences. Instead, a Philippine social science should explore the rich sources of difference within civil and global society, as well as point out the contingent and narrow interests of nation-states, thereby helping to establish a universal basis for understanding. This understanding sees social science as part of the human quest for emancipation.

Author(s):  
Chad Seales

Secularization and secularism are interpretive narratives and analytical systems of locative naming that co-construct the category of religion in spatial relationship to the idea of the secular as not-religion. These approaches were developed in the 19th century to make sense of the social restructuring of industrial societies. They begin with the assumption that religion is spatially identifiable as Christian church space, as readily recognizable in built congregational structures. And they consider the secular, in the most literal sense, as that which is not. That is, the secular is everything physically outside church space. But secularization theorists often do not adhere to this literal interpretation of spatial difference. They also use space metaphorically in their understanding of “disestablishment” as referring to more than just the physical state-expropriation of church land, but also to the separation of spheres that results from nation-state legal sovereignty, particularly focused on the spatial division between secular culture and church subcultures. Whereas secularization theory offers narrative frames to orient a historical trajectory of religion in relation to not-religion, the study of secularism describes attempts to understand the political and legal regulation of religion in relation to sovereign nation-states. Methodological distinctions between secularization and secularism invoke a long-standing problem in the study of religion: the ability of the scholar to discern the difference between the metaphorical map of religion in relation to the idea of the secular, and the state governance of physical territory. Classical secularization theory was constructed within the colonial context of the 19th century, and it carries within itself the spatial distinctions that define an Enlightenment conception of the Western nation-state, as a secular sovereignty set apart from and transcendent of the revelatory particularity of religious authority. More recent versions of secularization theory in the United States still assume that only the secular state can transcend physical space and still control its boundaries and borders. Religious transcendence, by contrast, is viewed as otherworldly. The reason for this is because unlike secular authority, which is self-evident and universal, religious authority is revelatory and particular. Within secularization theory, religions then are limited in their ability to physically enact, in every sphere of life, their revelatory mandates. They can do so only as long as they maintain a high level of orthodox belief and practice, to the extent that there is no distinction between religious and cultural authority. Secularization theory thus assumes that religious pluralism of any kind results in a competition to see which religion can control all aspects of life. The nation-state then is viewed as the transcendent mediator of religious claims to civic life and public space. And while secularization theory considers this mediation in the spatial terms of public practice and private belief, studies of secularism give more attention to the historical and contextual limits of nation-state transcendence, as well as the ways in which nation-states physically bound religion as a category, whether as located in the legal limits of 501(c)(3) nonprofit status, or a congregational building with a street address. Though the term secularism has been a co-generative concept in classical secularization theory, theories of secularism have been more fully developed since the late 20th century. Some of those approaches have extended the spatial concerns of secularization theory, particularly as related to the question of religious endurance as measured in terms of public practice and private belief. The mere difference, which has garnered quite a bit of writing, is to shift the interpretive gaze away from the individual challenge of Protestant Christians to maintain a comprehensive religious meaning-making system, a “sacred canopy,” in the midst of increasing religious diversity, to the ability of “orthodox” religious subcultures to maintain religious authority in the midst of a pervasive secularism that is antagonistic to the possibility of any totalizing religion, one that is lived out in all spheres of life. Other theoretical approaches to secularism, however, are more directly engaged with post-colonial scholarship, and are more focused on the role of the nation-state in the categorical construction of religion, than they are worried about the social loss of traditional religion.


Author(s):  
Roderick N. Labrador

This chapter explores the relationship between language, identity, and politics, and Filipino responses to broader racializing discourses. Where do language and identity fit in Filipino identity territorializations? How do Filipinos present themselves to each other and how do they present themselves to a society that sees them as somewhat familiar but primarily assigns them a cultural and linguistic otherness? Using the Katipunan Club at the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, it analyzes events that employ a nationalist ideology of language and identity that equates one language, “Filipino/Tagalog,” with one nation-state, “the Philippines,” to create one people, “Filipino.” In short, language serves a critical role in shaping identity territorializations in terms of how the boundaries of the social group are defined and what political interests are deemed meaningful and important.


2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Meyer ◽  
Ronald L. Jepperson

Much social theory takes for granted the core conceit of modern culture, that modern actors—individuals, organizations, nation states—are autochthonous and natural entities, no longer really embedded in culture. Accordingly, while there is much abstract metatheory about “actors” and their “agency,” there is arguably little theory about the topic. This article offers direct arguments about how the modern (European, now global) cultural system constructs the modern actor as an authorized agent for various interests via an ongoing relocation into society of agency originally located in transcendental authority or in natural forces environing the social system. We see this authorized agentic capability as an essential feature of what modern theory and culture call an “actor,” and one that, when analyzed, helps greatly in explaining a number of otherwise anomalous or little analyzed features of modern individuals, organizations, and states. These features include their isomorphism and standardization, their internal decoupling, their extraordinarily complex structuration, and their capacity for prolific collective action.


Plaridel ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-206
Author(s):  
Cheeno Marlo del Mundo Sayuno

Both the child character and the child audience contribute significantly to the body of research on childhood studies. How children think, learn, and behave have been researched in many studies on psychology and education. Meanwhile, the social sciences have also become a home for childhood studies due to the richness of content for children in broadcast and print, which is the focus of this literature review. The paper explores how children are theorized in social sciences in the Philippines. Through a survey of prominent journals such as Plaridel, Humanities Diliman, Social Science Diliman, and Kritika Kultura, this paper identifies the discursive roles that children play in research concerning their communicative styles, and text and media consumption. In addition, the paper also analyzes how children are represented in literature on childhood studies. This review encourages providing a more active role for children in research and literary works about and for them published in the social sciences, the arts, and the humanities. Children can have a wide and insightful imagination the way the Little Prince has. Children are not petty participants. Children matter. Children are powerful.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
CHARITO M. MACALINTAL-SAWALI

This paper analyzes the constitutional requirements for appointment to thejudiciary in the social, moral and ethical context.  The profile of judges; theircompliance with the constitutional requirements for the judicial appointment;demands of judicial ethics; the perception of selected members of the bench anddetermination on how to meet the gap between what is being required from judgesby the 1987 Philippine Constitution and their actual work fitness, are discussed.This work utilizes both historical research and descriptive-analytical design usingquestionnaire and contextual analysis of data. Findings reveal the increase inthe number of younger lawyers appointed as judges and that Philippine legaleducation does not properly orient law students on judicial service. The SupremeCourt has enough capability to improve judicial education in the Philippines through the Philippine Judicial Academy and Legal Education Board. Every judge should be reminded of the constitutional requirements to every member ofthe judiciary and should always strive to adhere to these requirements.Keywords: Social Science, historical research, judicial appointment, judicial ethics,judicial education, competence, constitutional requirement, descriptiveanalyticaldesign, Philippines


Author(s):  
Joy Rohde

Since the social sciences began to emerge as scholarly disciplines in the last quarter of the 19th century, they have frequently offered authoritative intellectual frameworks that have justified, and even shaped, a variety of U.S. foreign policy efforts. They played an important role in U.S. imperial expansion in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Scholars devised racialized theories of social evolution that legitimated the confinement and assimilation of Native Americans and endorsed civilizing schemes in the Philippines, Cuba, and elsewhere. As attention shifted to Europe during and after World War I, social scientists working at the behest of Woodrow Wilson attempted to engineer a “scientific peace” at Versailles. The desire to render global politics the domain of objective, neutral experts intensified during World War II and the Cold War. After 1945, the social sciences became increasingly central players in foreign affairs, offering intellectual frameworks—like modernization theory—and bureaucratic tools—like systems analysis—that shaped U.S. interventions in developing nations, guided nuclear strategy, and justified the increasing use of the U.S. military around the world. Throughout these eras, social scientists often reinforced American exceptionalism—the notion that the United States stands at the pinnacle of social and political development, and as such has a duty to spread liberty and democracy around the globe. The scholarly embrace of conventional political values was not the result of state coercion or financial co-optation; by and large social scientists and policymakers shared common American values. But other social scientists used their knowledge and intellectual authority to critique American foreign policy. The history of the relationship between social science and foreign relations offers important insights into the changing politics and ethics of expertise in American public policy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Taylor

AbstractThis paper explores the origins, rise, and rapid decline of the Amoy-dialect film industry — an industry which was centered on the production of commercial Hokkien films in Hong Kong for mass consumption amongst Hokkien-speaking audiences throughout East and Southeast Asia in the 1950s. Building on recent research into “Diasporic Chinese film markets,” it examines this industry in light of the social and political changes (e.g. decolonization, the formation of new, postcolonial nation-states, etc.) that were occurring throughout the course of the 1950s in those areas in which substantial Hokkien-speaking communities existed. It also suggests that the very nature of the Amoy-dialect film industry should prompt us to rethink how we approach the study of “national” and “transnational” cinemas in Asia during the postwar period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 349-362
Author(s):  
Vitaly Viktorovich Goncharov ◽  
Nurgun V. Afanasev ◽  
Elena A. Sverdlikova ◽  
Tatiana N. Mikhaleva ◽  
Inna I. Rubakova ◽  
...  

The article explores different points of view regarding the dialectics of the socio-political and historical development of global constitutionalism and its relationship with changes in the socio-political and state-legal system on a planetary scale (as a historically integral part in the development of society at any stage of the historical era, opposite to autarkic tendencies; as a phenomenon inherent in modern society). In this regard, the paper concludes that the socio-political and historical transformations of global constitutionalism as a social concept in the near future will largely determine the main directions of the socio-political and state-legal development of nation-states. The purpose of the research: from the standpoint of the socio-philosophical methods of cognition of social reality and the ideas reflecting it, to analyze the socio-political and historical transformations of global constitutionalism in the modern world. Object of research: the phenomenon of globalization of socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic development of national societies and states as a phenomenon of social reality, highlighted in the social concept of global constitutionalism.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic

Militarism—a mercurial, endlessly contested concept—is experiencing a renaissance of sorts in many corners of the social science community. In critical security studies, the concept’s purview has become increasingly limited by an abiding theoretical and analytical focus on various practices of securitisation. We argue that there is a need to clarify the logic and stakes of different forms of militarism. Critical security scholars have provided valuable insights into the conditions of ‘exceptionalist militarism.’ However, if we accept that militarism and the production of security are co-constitutive, then we have every reason to consider different manifestations of militarism, their historical trajectories and their inter-relationships. To that end, we draw on the work of historical sociologists and articulate three more ideal types of militarism: nation-state militarism, civil society militarism, and neoliberal militarism. We suggest this typology can more adequately capture key transformations of militarism in the modern period as well as inform further research on the militarism-security nexus.


Dear China ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 33-65
Author(s):  
Gregor Benton ◽  
Hong Liu

This chapter provides a detailed account of the evolution, structure, and personnel of the qiaopi trade, which enabled financial transactions (remittances) and the exchange of family letters across national boundaries. It looks at the institutionalization of the qiaopi trade and the role played by the piju (remittance shops) in sustaining transnational Chinese social and business networks on the basis of primordial ties of locality, dialect, and kinship. Transnational qiaopi networks played a key role not only in supporting the social and economic development of South China but also in sustaining the ties of families separated physically by oceans. These networks predated and coexisted with emerging nation-states based on institutions such as a modern post office and other regulatory regimes in both host lands and homeland. Competition between qiaopi institutions and modern organizations such as the post office, modern banks, and, ultimately, the increasingly powerful nation-state eventually led to the demise of the qiaopi trade in the late 1970s.


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