Abstract Art and Left-Wing Politics in the Weimar Republic

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon L. Lidtke

In the midst of the upheaval created by military defeat, the collapse of the Hohenzollern and other German monarchies, and the threat of radical social revolution, a movement that had been taking shape for some time became a visible presence in German public life. Intellectuals, writers, visual artists, and numerous others declared that they would no longer remain aloof from the world of politics, social reform, and even revolution. On the contrary, they would seek to merge the arts and politics into a synthesis that would help to mold a new and greatly improved society. They issued manifestos and programs, founded organizations and journals, joined political parties — primarily on the left — and went to the streets, at least to observe if not also to act. The majority of the participants in this movement were, at some point in their careers, part of new artistic trends and, as such, contributors to the formation and advancement of aesthetic modernism in Germany.

Author(s):  
Peter Jones

The Dutch artist Piet Mondrian was one of the pioneers of abstract art, producing some of the most radical painting of the 20th century. The early influence of Cubism led him to adopt a semi-abstract linear style, as in the paintings of trees and buildings he made in Paris and Holland over 1912–1914. During the inter-war years, Mondrian developed an esoteric theory of art and an austere style of geometric abstraction he called Neo-Plasticism. In this work, for which he is best known, Mondrian abandoned all reference to nature and aimed to express a higher reality beyond the world of appearances. He reduced his painting to basic elements and their interplay: black horizontal and vertical lines, planes of primary colors, grey and white as exemplified in Composition C (III) with Red, Yellow and Blue from 1935. His final paintings, made in America in the early 1940s, are characterized by vibrant grids animated by small colored squares reflecting an interest in the syncopated rhythms of popular music and urban life. Mondrian was also a consummate draughtsman, prolific writer and member of the influential De Stijl [The Style] group, which sought to reform the arts and society.


1875 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. v-xcvii

IT is a mere truism in the history of revolutions to assert that they are seldom brought to a close by the persons or political parties with whom they originate. Men whose existence was perhaps scarcely known to the world at large when the onward movement took its origin rise in succession to the surface, acquire the government, and carry forward the work to lengths and heights which their predecessors never contemplated. It is in tracing this sequence of political parties, the gradual growth of what was looked upon in the first instance as a contemptible and almost senseless faction, its struggles for the mastery, the arts (too often unworthy) by which it acquired the ascendancy, its acts whilst in a condition of dominancy, and finally the errors by which it forfeited power and made way for the next in turn, that much of the interest of historical narrative is found.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 793-795
Author(s):  
Mary Louise McAllister

Brazilian Politics, Alfred P. Montero, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005, pp. 167.Brazil is a country of contrasts. This is one of the first, and most ubiquitous, phrases that one encounters with respect to this intriguing country. Visitors to Brazil soon echo this sentiment as they note its cultural sophistication in the arts, technological expertise in a number of industries, its vast, diverse territory, as well as its extreme economic and social disparity. It is the ninth-largest economy in the world, yet it is also one of the most inequitable; the top 1 per cent of the population retains 40 per cent of the country's wealth (5). It is fitting then that this reality provides the integrative theme in Alfred Montero's primer on Brazilian politics. The topic is first introduced with an effective depiction of Brazilian president “Lula” da Silva as he struggles to bridge competing social and economic imperatives when he attends the World Social Forum held at Porto Alegre, Brazil, and the World Economic Forum at Davos, Switzerland. The text concludes with an observation that the president's adoption of a pragmatic agenda in order to secure economic growth through global markets will not adequately satisfy the desperate and immediate need for social reform where millions suffer and comparatively few prosper. Montero asserts that the root of this misery can be traced to the state's historic pattern of clientelistic politics, oligarchical rule and bureaucratic-authoritarianism (25).


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Marcos Antônio Bessa OLIVEIRA

RESUMOArte, Educação, Política compõem uma tríade compreendida historicamente no Ocidente como interdependentes. Entretanto, arte, educação e políticas ocidentais não estão compreendidas para corpos aquém dos padrões de raça, gênero e classe edificados pelo pensamento que arquitetou o projeto moderno europeu levado à expansão em todo mundo no século XVI. Igualmente, histórico e contemporaneamente, políticas têm definido, no caso do Brasil em níveis federal, estaduais e municipais, atuações e ações de corpos e sobre os corpos na arte, na educação e na própria política. Considerando a histórica indissociação entre a tríade arte, educação e política, mas também a atual e fascista dissociação das políticas em relação aos corpos que atuam nas artes e na educação em contexto brasileiro contemporâneo, este artigo discuti, por uma perspectiva descolonial de abordagem bi(os)bliográfica, a falta de arte em política, educação em política e corpos em política que consideram as diferenças culturais e coloniais porque não contemplam o padrão de arte, educação, corpo e política modernos. Arte. Educação. Política. (Dis) politics for political bodies in art, culture and education ABSTRACT  Art, Education, Politics make up a triad historically understood in the West as interdependent. However, Western art, education and politics are not understood for bodies below the standards of race, gender and class built by thought that architected the modern European project led to expansion around the world in the sixteenth century. Similarly, historically and contemporatically, policies have defined, in the case of Brazil at federal, state and municipal levels, actions and actions of bodies and on bodies in art, education and politics itself. Considering the historical indissociation between the triad art, education and politics, but also the current and fascist dissociation of policies in relation to the bodies that work in the arts and education in a contemporary Brazilian context, this article discussed, for a decolonial perspective of bi(os)bliographical approach, lack of art in politics, education in politics and bodies in politics that consider cultural and colonial differences because they do not contemplate the standard of modern art, education, body and politics.Art. Education. Politics. (Des) política para cuerpos-políticos en arte, cultura y educación RESUMENArte, educación, política producen un trío históricamente entendido en el Occidente como interdependientes. Pero, el arte, la educación y las políticas occidentales no están incluidas para cuerpos con padrones inferiores a las normas de raza, género y clase construidas por el pensamiento que he producido el proyecto moderno europeo expandido en todo el mundo desde el siglo XVI. Asimismo, se han definido políticas históricas y contemporáneas, en el caso de Brasil, a nivel federal, estatal y municipal, actividades y acciones de cuerpos y sobre los cuerpos en el arte, en la educación y en la política. Considerando la indisociación histórica entre el trío arte, educación y política, pero también la actual y fascista desagregación de las políticas con relación a los cuerpos que actúan en las artes en la educación en el contexto brasileño contemporáneo, este artículo discutió, bajo un enfoque descolonial de abordaje bi(os)bliográfica, la ausencia de arte en política, educación en política y cuerpos en política que consideran las diferencias culturales y coloniales, porque no contemplan el estándar del arte, educación, cuerpo y política modernos.Arte. Educación. Política.(Des) politica per gli organi politici nell'arte, nella cultura e nell'educazioneSINTESE Arte, educazione, politica producono un trio storicamente inteso in Occidente come interdipendente. Ma l'arte occidentale, l'istruzione e la politica non sono incluse per gli organismi con standard inferiori agli standard di razza, genere e classe costruiti dal pensiero che ho prodotto il moderno progetto europeo ampliato in tutto il mondo dal XVI secolo. Allo stesso modo, le politiche storiche e contemporanee sono state definite, nel caso del Brasile, a livello federale, statale e municipale, attività e azioni di corpi e di corpi nell'arte, nell'istruzione e nella politica. Considerando la dissociazione storica tra arte, istruzione e trio politico, ma anche l'attuale e fascista disaggregazione delle politiche in relazione agli organismi che agiscono nelle arti nell'educazione nel contesto brasiliano contemporaneo, questo articolo discute, sotto un approccio decoloniale approccio bi-os, assenza di arte in politica, educazione in politica e corpi politici che considerano le differenze culturali e coloniali, perché non contemplano lo standard dell'arte moderna, dell'educazione, del corpo e della politica.Arte. Istruzione. Politica.


Author(s):  
Sören Fröhlich

Kurt Tucholsky was an important and widely-read author, poet, satirist, and editor of small literary forms during the Weimar Republic. He was a prolific writer of satires, cabaret songs, and poems that bespoke the specific scenes of Berlin and Germany between the World Wars. Today he is widely known for two playful, erotic romances, Rheinsberg and Schloß Gripsholm, both of which he wrote after romantic weekend escapes with lovers. Tucholsky called for a radical renewal of German culture and society in his articles for the Weltbühne and the Vossische Zeitung, always adjusting his tone and argument with an eye to his audiences. After his military service in the First World War, Tucholsky became a powerful voice for bourgeois, left-wing humanism, and an active, antimilitarist, anti-fascist, anti-dogmatist, and enemy of demagogues. His use of transparent pseudonyms offered no protection against political and legal persecution, and his constant travels led him to live in Berlin, Paris, Denmark, and Sweden, where he settled and died of a narcotic overdose in a hospital in 1935.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 386-389
Author(s):  
Eduardo Oliveira

Evinç Doğan (2016). Image of Istanbul, Impact of ECoC 2010 on The City Image. London: Transnational Press London. [222 pp, RRP: £18.75, ISBN: 978-1-910781-22-7]The idea of discovering or creating a form of uniqueness to differentiate a place from others is clearly attractive. In this regard, and in line with Ashworth (2009), three urban planning instruments are widely used throughout the world as a means of boosting a city’s image: (i) personality association - where places associate themselves with a named individual from history, literature, the arts, politics, entertainment, sport or even mythology; (ii) the visual qualities of buildings and urban design, which include flagship building, signature urban design and even signature districts and (iii) event hallmarking - where places organize events, usually cultural (e.g., European Capital of Culture, henceforth referred to as ECoC) or sporting (e.g., the Olympic Games), in order to obtain worldwide recognition. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Saifudin Asrori ◽  
Ahmad Syauqi

Abstract. The Islamic education, Islamic boarding schools and madrasas, have made a very significant contribution to the implementation of education and social reform. Through the teaching process, in which the kyai as the main figure and the use of the ‘yellow book’, traditional Islamic ideas colored the early days of growing awareness as a nation and a State. When the New Order government carried out the development and modernization of society, there was a revival of a Muslim group called the “new middle class santri”, which took place in line with the modernization that occurred in the traditional Islamic educational institutions of the pesantren. Then in the era of democratization, the world of Islamic education experienced growth and development in various religious institutions and styles. Most of the pesantren are still committed to maintaining a moderate religious style, recognized as the foundation for the development of civil society and the formation of a ‘distinctive’, friendly, moderate, and tolerant social-political identity of Indonesian society. The Muslim character is different from other regions, especially the Middle East which is the axis of the Islamic world. However, a small proportion of pesantren are thought to promote the growth of religious chauvinism, teach a ‘narrow’ interpretation of Islam and provide a framework of thought and action in responding to socio-political change which often takes the form of a ‘jihad’. This article tries to explore the contribution of Islamic education to social change in the Indonesian Muslim community. Abstark. Dunia pendidikan Islam, pesantren dan madrasah, memberikan kontribusi sangat berarti dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan dan reformasi kemasyarakatan. Melalui proses pengajaran, di mana kyai sebagai figur utama dan penggunaan ‘kitab kuning’, gagasan Islam tradisional mewarnai masa-masa awal tumbuhnya kesadaran sebagai bangsa dan Negara. Ketika pemerintah Orde Baru melakukan pembangunan dan modernisasi masyarakat, terjadi kebangkitan kelompok Muslim yang di sebut “kelas menengah santri baru”, berlangsung sejalan dengan modernisasi yang terjadi dalam lembaga pendidikan Islam tradisional pesantren. Kemudian pada era demokratisasi, dunia pendidikan Islam mengalami pertumbuhan dan perkembangan dalam beragam kelembagaan dan corak keagamaan. Sebagian besar pesantren masih tetap istiqomah dalam mempertahankan corak keagamaan yang moderat, diakui sebagai pondasi berkembangnya masyarakat sipil dan pembentukan identitas sosial-politik masyarakat Indonesia yang ‘khas’, ramah, moderat, dan toleran. Karakter Muslim yang berbeda dengan kawasan lainnya, khususnya Timur-Tengah yang merupakan poros dunia Islam. Namun ada sebagian kecil pesantren dianggap mendorong tumbuhnya chauvinisme keagamaan, mengajarkan penafsiran Islam yang ‘sempit’ dan memberikan kerangka pemikiran dan aksi dalam merespons perubahan sosial-politik yang seringkali berbentuk panggilan ‘jihad’. Artikel ini mencoba mengeksplorasi kontribusi pendidikan Islam dalam perubahan sosial masyarakat Muslim Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Benjamin W. Goossen

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the global Mennonite church developed an uneasy relationship with Germany. Despite the religion's origins in the Swiss and Dutch Reformation, as well as its longstanding pacifism, tens of thousands of members embraced militarist German nationalism. This book is a sweeping history of this encounter and the debates it sparked among parliaments, dictatorships, and congregations across Eurasia and the Americas. Offering a multifaceted perspective on nationalism's emergence in Europe and around the world, the book demonstrates how Mennonites' nationalization reflected and reshaped their faith convictions. While some church leaders modified German identity along Mennonite lines, others appropriated nationalism wholesale, advocating a specifically Mennonite version of nationhood. Examining sources from Poland to Paraguay, the book shows how patriotic loyalties rose and fell with religious affiliation. Individuals might claim to be German at one moment but Mennonite the next. Some external parties encouraged separatism, as when the Weimar Republic helped establish an autonomous “Mennonite State” in Latin America. Still others treated Mennonites as quintessentially German; under Hitler's Third Reich, entire colonies benefited from racial warfare and genocide in Nazi-occupied Ukraine. Whether choosing Germany as a national homeland or identifying as a chosen people, called and elected by God, Mennonites committed to collective action in ways that were intricate, fluid, and always surprising.


Author(s):  
Peter Hoar

Kia ora and welcome to the second issue of BackStory. The members of the Backstory Editorial Team were gratified by the encouraging response to the first issue of the journal. We hope that our currentreaders enjoy our new issue and that it will bring others to share our interest in and enjoyment of the surprisingly varied backstories of New Zealand’s art, media, and design history. This issue takes in a wide variety of topics. Imogen Van Pierce explores the controversy around the Hundertwasser Art Centre and Wairau Māori Art Gallery to be developed in Whangarei. This project has generated debate about the role of the arts and civic architecture at both the local and national levels. This is about how much New Zealanders are prepared to invest in the arts. The value of the artist in New Zealand is also examined by Mark Stocker in his article about the sculptor Margaret Butler and the local reception of her work during the late 1930s. The cultural cringe has a long genealogy. New Zealand has been photographed since the 1840s. Alan Cocker analyses the many roles that photography played in the development of local tourism during the nineteenth century. These images challenged notions of the ‘real’ and the ‘artificial’ and how new technologies mediated the world of lived experience. Recorded sound was another such technology that changed how humans experienced the world. The rise of recorded sound from the 1890s affected lives in many ways and Lewis Tennant’s contribution captures a significant tipping point in this medium’s history in New Zealand as the transition from analogue to digital sound transformed social, commercial and acoustic worlds. The New Zealand Woman’s Weekly celebrates its 85th anniversary this year but when it was launched in 1932 it seemed tohave very little chance of success. Its rival, the Mirror, had dominated the local market since its launch in 1922. Gavin Ellis investigates the Depression-era context of the Woman’s Weekly and how its founders identified a gap in the market that the Mirror was failing to fill. The work of the photographer Marti Friedlander (1908-2016) is familiar to most New Zealanders. Friedlander’s 50 year career and huge range of subjects defy easy summary. She captured New Zealanders, their lives, and their surroundings across all social and cultural borders. In the journal’s profile commentary Linda Yang celebrates Freidlander’s remarkable life and work. Linda also discusses some recent images by Friedlander and connects these with themes present in the photographer’s work from the 1960s and 1970s. The Backstory editors hope that our readers enjoy this stimulating and varied collection of work that illuminate some not so well known aspects of New Zealand’s art, media, and design history. There are many such stories yet to be told and we look forward to bringing them to you.


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