scholarly journals Japan’s Diplomatic Proactive Stance towards Indochina and the Cambodian Problem (1970)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Oliviero Frattolillo
Keyword(s):  
Diplomatic History ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Foreign Politics

Abstract This article assesses the Japanese diplomatic contribution through the prism of the Indochinese political situation in the early 1970s. The traditional literature depicts Japan’s non-existent proactivism in postwar foreign politics, based on its alleged unconditional dependence on Washington’s political agenda. However, throughout the 1970s there were occasions in which the country showed how it was independently engaged at a diplomatic level. This has often been overlooked by the literature produced in the field, but it is an irrefutable conclusion from the historical evidence and the analysis of the archival sources. Japan’s diplomatic commitment in solving the problem of peace in Cambodia, its double effort as a diplomatic intermediary between the political actors involved in the Indochinese issue and, at the same time, through the ODA policy, may offer the missing elements for a no longer univocal interpretation of its postwar diplomatic history—which is the aim of this essay.

Political Agenda Setting

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Maurer
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
News Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Agenda ◽  
Political Decision Making

Political agenda setting is the part of agenda-setting research that refers to the influence of the media agenda on the agenda of political actors. More precisely, the central question of political agenda-setting research is whether political actors adopt the issue agenda of the news media in various aspects ranging from communicating about issues that are prominently discussed in the news media to prioritizing issues from the news media agenda in political decision making. Although such effects have been studied under different labels (agenda building, policy agenda setting) for several decades, research in this field has recently increased significantly based on a new theoretical model introducing the term political agenda setting. Studies based on that model usually find effects of media coverage on the attention political actors pay to various issues, but at the same time point to a number of contingent conditions. First, as found in research on public agenda setting, there is an influence of characteristics of news media (e.g., television news vs. print media) and issues (e.g., obtrusive vs. unobtrusive issues). Second, there is an influence of characteristics of the political context (e.g., government vs. oppositional parties) and characteristics of individual politicians (e.g., generalists vs. specialists). Third, the findings of studies on the political agenda-setting effect differ, depending on which aspects of the political agenda are under examination (e.g., social media messages vs. political decision making).

Political Agenda Setting and the Mass Media

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Individual

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.

Media Coverage of International Climate Summits and Negotiations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Wolling ◽  
Dorothee Arlt
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Character

The annual climate summits (Conferences of the Parties, or COPs) are major political events that receive considerable media attention. In this way, the topic of climate change returns regularly to both the media and the political agenda. It makes sense, therefore, that communication research regards COPs as occasion to investigating how the media cover climate change. Nevertheless, this strategy has two shortcomings: On the one hand the focus on the conferences might provide a distorted picture—because of the political character of the conferences, the role of political actors and policy-related frames might be overestimated. On the other hand, the political character of the conferences is not always considered appropriately. Most research is mainly interested in the coverage on climate change in the context of the conferences and not in the political discussions taking place at the summits. Future research should address these discussions more intensively, giving more attention especially to the debates in the various online media.

Conclusion: Nowhere nation or better life? Ukraine’s past and future

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 457-459
Author(s):  
Paul D’Anieri
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Relative Weight ◽  
Objective Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Soviet History ◽  
Agent Based ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Soviet Legacy

All the authors in this collection of essays on Ukrainian politics stress the lack of improvement in the political situation in recent years. The authors identify a range of reasons including pre-Soviet history, the Soviet legacy, national identity, and political gridlock. While the authors disagree slightly on the extent to which change is impossible or merely difficulty, none is hopeful. The challenge for scholars is to avoid moving from objective analysis to assigning political blame. Some authors identify specific political actors on whom they fix blame, while others focus on less personal structural factors. The relative weight of structure-based and agent-based explanations is important in assessing the prospects for change in the future, and the possible paths to it.

scholarly journals Reflections on 1989

Focaal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2010 (58) ◽  
pp. 105-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Ost
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Events

Perhaps the most surprising part of my recollection of 1989 is to recall the large part of it that was not surprising at all. Because nothing had gotten back to “normal” in Poland in the 1980s, the political events of that decade always happened with Solidarity as the “other.” Because the political situation never seemed resolved, it was always in flux. What happened in 1989 was thus treated initially as part of that flux, by me and by Polish political actors themselves.

Guinea-Bissau deadlock will threaten fragile growth

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Instability ◽  
Cape Verde ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Court Action ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

Significance A month previously, the ECOWAS had reiterated its displeasure over the lack of progress in resolving the ongoing political impasse and issued an ultimatum to political actors to implement the 2016 Conakry Agreement or face sanctions. The UN has also threatened to initiate punitive measures if the political situation deteriorates further between President Jose Mario Vaz and his ruling party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC). Impacts Given the risk of a military coup, ECOWAS is likely to retain some of its troops until after the 2018 legislative election. A court action by two banks against the government could endanger IMF loans and donors' budgetary support. Ongoing political instability could lead to increased activities by organised criminal and terrorist networks.

A Mighty Power against the Cost of Living: Canadian Housewives Organize in the 1930s

2010 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Guard
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Domestic Roles

AbstractConsumer activists organizing in the 1930s against rising milk prices demonstrated the power of a strong grassroots movement to enlarge prevailing understandings of the political and to wring responses from an unwilling state. Their maternalism, combined with milk's emotional, social, and political meanings, attracted broad popular support and deflected criticism from the dairy industry, hostile public officials, and anticommunists. Their campaign for affordable milk became a synecdoche for broader demands that the state restrain business in the interests of consumers and protect ordinary people from the harsh injustices of the Depression. After winning immediate concessions, the Toronto Housewives Association failed to achieve their long-term goals, but their impact was nonetheless significant. Their campaign fueled and informed public debates about the political economy of food and government's responsibilities to protect citizens, pushing socialist policies onto the political agenda under the cover of maternalism. Participation in Housewives' campaigns transformed powerless victims into effective political actors. Housewife-activists challenged prevailing notions of normative feminine behavior, creating social space for ordinary women acting within their domestic roles to engage in direct political action.

scholarly journals THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGIOSITY ON THE POLITICAL CHOICE OF ORTHODOX BELIEVERS IN RUSSIA: THE CASE OF LIPETSK OBLAST

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Juliya Karpich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Research Assumptions ◽  
Depth Interviews

This paper presents the outcomes of empirical research on the religiosity influence on the political choice of Russian Orthodox believers. The research assumptions: (1) political choice is determined by a combination of individual beliefs, practice, and identity each can be both religious and secular; (2) secular beliefs play a key role in political choice; beliefs can help to evaluate the behaviour of political actors and voters' ability to influence the political situation. In-depth interviews with Orthodox believers are used as data (Lipetsk Oblast, 2019-2020). The research has revealed that a religious component in a combination of beliefs, practices, and identities varies depending on the level of religiosity. Beliefs are more important for the most and the least religious groups. Specifically, beliefs on the importance of political issues and the role of morality in political actors' behaviour. In combination with secular beliefs, they lead to protest voting and absenteeism. The choice of the middle group is influenced by religious practices. The combination of religious and secular practices can turn political participation into a habit.

Politieke aliënatie en parlementaire hervormingen

Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-155
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
General Public ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Information ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Effectiveness ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
The Government

Most attempts at parliamentary reform in Belgium are prompted by the desire to support a Parliament which is being marginalized by political actors such as the government and the parties. These efforts are inspired by traditional constitutional thinking. Initially parliaments were designed as democratie bodies which should challenge the aristocratie government. Nowadays, parliament has quite another function. It has to facilitate the political information and to counteract the incompetence (and alienation) of citizens who are willing but unable to participate in an increasingly complex political system.Reform should aim at restoring the significance ofpublic debates in parliament.In order to be informative these debates should focus on important issues of the political agenda and catch the attention of the general public. Within the constraints of our political system it should be possible to upgrade the early debates on budget allocations and the late debates on the evaluation of public policy effectiveness.

scholarly journals Kidnapping Politics in East Asia

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Samuels
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Performance ◽  
Captivity Narratives ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Media ◽  
Rights Issues

In this article, I examine two contemporary cases in which the same foreign adversary, North Korea (DPRK), violated the sovereignty of neighboring states. I use a comparison of South Korean and Japanese reactions to political captivity to assess institutional performance in democratic states and ways in which these dynamics are connected to international politics. We see how “captivity narratives” can be differentially constructed and deployed and howpolicycapture can be achieved by determined political actors. Civic groups in both countries worked to mobilize political support, frame the issue for the media, and force policy change. In Japan, politicians were more willing to use the abduction issue for domestic political gain than in Korea, where the political class was determined to prevent human rights issues (including abductions) from interfering with their larger political agenda, including improved relations with the DPRK.

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