'religious Insults': Christian Critiques of Islam and the Government in Colonial Northern Nigeria

2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 62-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Barnes

AbstractThis article discusses two Christian critiques of Islam published during the colonial era, and the response by the colonial government to each. The first goal of the article is to characterize Christian criticisms of Islam during the colonial era. The second is to demonstrate how conflict over Islam could shape relations between British administrators and Christian missionaries. The third goal is to narrate the history of a religious controversy as it developed over two generations. As will be seen, the war of words over government religious policy toward Islam could become quite vicious, even without any active participation by Muslims.

1987 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Kazenga Tibenderana

Existing works on the colonial history of Northern Nigeria are generally agreed that the emirs who reigned during the colonial era were selected by traditional methods, that is to say, by kingmakers. This article attempts to show that in the case of Sokoto Province the emirs who were appointed during the period 1903–30, though they had traditional claims to their position, were chosen by the British and not by the kingmakers. It is suggested that during this period the British were so pre-occupied with the security of their rule that they would not leave the important function of selecting emirs to the kingmakers whom they still suspected could select anti-British princes as emirs. It is argued that this policy was largely dictated by the Administration's fear of Mahdism which, up to the end of the 1920s was seen as a real danger to British rule. Thus only overtly loyal princes were elevated to emirships, regardless of whether they had the kingmakers' support or not. The British were able to do this without causing serious political unrest because the emirates were basically ‘competitive monarchies’ which left the British room for manipulation. Finally, the article suggests that, as a result of increased confidence in the security of their rule and owing to the fact that unpopular chiefs had proved to be a liability to the government, in the early 1930s the British restored the kingmakers' right to elect emirs without overdue interference by administrative officers.


1964 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-28
Author(s):  
S. S. Richardson

With the commencement of the Native Courts (Amendment) Law, 1961, the Government of the Northern Region of Nigeria abolished “opting out”, an experiment with jurisdiction which must surely be unique within the history of modern legal systems and therefore worthy of recording before the facts are obscured and lest any other African state, faced with similar difficulties, is tempted to adopt this expedient as a temporary palliative to meet a similar situation. It is all the more desirable to publish the facts since the strong case for abolition presented by the Northern Regional Government is in danger of being lost by default. On 14th October, 1961, the Daily Service in Nigeria published a bitter attack on the Native Courts (Amendment) Law, 1961, under the title “The light goes out in the North”.


Author(s):  
Joshua Castellino ◽  
Elvira Domínguez Redondo

This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section seeks to provide a brief overview of the history of legal reforms in China, and underscore the changing attitude of the government to human rights. The second section identifies the groups considered minorities or ‘minority nationalities’ in China. The third section seeks to extrapolate principles of minority rights in Chinese law, drawing on the Chinese Constitution, the Law of the People's Republic of China on Regional National Autonomy, and from authoritative commentaries on the same. This is followed by various sub-sections focusing on policy and legislation over specific issues pertaining to minorities in China, such as education, religion, political participation, and economic development. The final section analyzes the remedies available and the challenges in making these effective.


Author(s):  
Angela Schottenhammer

Imperial China has a long-standing, multifaceted, and interesting imperial maritime history. Of particular importance in this context are the commercial dimensions of China’s maritime contacts with the outside world. From approximately the 7th century until Yuan 元 times (1279–1367), China even developed as a commercial maritime power, although its maritime trade was, until the late 11th century, basically dominated by foreign merchants. During the Yuan and early Ming dynasties (1368–1644), China was also a naval power—the attempts of Qubilai Khan (r. 1260–1295) to subdue Japan are well known. But their maritime interests took the Mongols as far as Southeast and South Asia. The early Ming 明 period, under the third Ming Emperor, Yongle 永樂 (r. 1403–1424), is characterized by unforeseen political, military, and commercial maritime expansion. After 1435, following the instructions of the first Ming emperor, Hongwu 洪武 (r. 1368–1398), China officially retreated from the seas and prohibited all private maritime commerce, until internal socioeconomic and financial problems and the great demand of foreigners—after 1500 also including the Europeans—for Chinese products urged the government to “reopen” its borders for trade. The rulers of the last imperial dynasty, the Qing 清 (1644–1911), first concentrated on securing their maritime borders against competing commercial and political interests, then managed a flourishing trade, increasingly also with Europeans, but were finally confronted with the colonialist and imperialistic claims of the Europeans. After the Opium Wars (1839–1842), the maritime commerce and politics of China were more and more controlled by European powers, especially the British.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-157
Author(s):  
Dong-Yu Lin ◽  
Ping Lin

Abstract During the early twentieth century, strong nationalistic ideas sprang up in Indonesia. Some Chinese elites in professional positions under the Dutch colonial government tended to side with the Dutch with the pro-Dutch attitude; some working for Chinese newspapers or agencies developed the pro-China stance; some supported and cooperated with the indigenous people with the pro-independence tendency; and others had their inclinations transformed over the course of time. After examining the life history of a few prominent Chinese figures, this article shows that three levels of factors—international politics in East Asia, local politics in the Dutch East Indies, and their life histories under Dutch rule (together with travel experience to China)—were critical for each Chinese person in establishing or transforming their often hybrid political orientations. The Chinese preference was neither monolithic nor settled, so the general assumption that “Chinese people are loyal to China” in Indonesian politics of the colonial era should be revised.


1985 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Kazenga Tibenderana

SummaryThe existing works on the history of education in northern Nigeria are generally agreed that the main factor which hindered the spread and development of girls' education in the area during the colonial era was Muslims' opposition to female education. While it is not denied in this article that opposition to female education existed among Muslims, it is argued that this was not the main factor which retarded the advancement of girls' education during the period covered by this article. It is suggested that the British educational policy, which placed much emphasis on co-education, instead of building girls' schools, coupled with the parsimony with which the British administration spent money on girls' education, were mainly responsible for hindering the development of girls' and women's education in northern Nigeria during the colonial era. It is argued that the introduction of co-education made Western education for girls unappealing to many Muslim parents who otherwise would have sent their daughters to school if girls' schools had existed in sufficient numbers. The article attempts to show that this could not be realized as a result of the British administration's unwillingness to spend substantial sums of money on girls' education. It is also suggested that the preferential treatment accorded by the British administration to the aristocracy, in the recruitment of pupils for girls' schools and the W.T.C., was inimical to the advancement of girls' education generally.


Itinerario ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudolf von Albertini

As historians, living in the contemporary world, we ask and are asked about the causes of underdevelopment. And, as most of the former colonies belong today to the underdeveloped countries of the Third World, we are confronted with the question as to what importance the colonial era plays in the history of these countries. There is a consensus that the history of colonialism can only be meaningful approached in the broader spectrum of underdevelopment and the specific problems of the Third World. There is no satisfaction in retreatingto the ostensibly objective approach of the historian and wanting tolimit ourselves in showing how colonialism came into being, what administrative structures arose, what economic policies were followed and finally how the colonized revolted and the process of decolonization got under way. Society will simply not allow us to do so. Equally, if not more important, is the question regarding the impact of colonialism on the colonized societies and how far it may be held responsible for the existing structures of underdevelopment.


Author(s):  
Indhi Nur Noviningtyas ◽  
Moses Glorino Rumambo Pandin

ABSTRACT Education is the most important instrument in human life because education can increase human dignity. In addition, education can also be a benchmark for human quality and an example of the progress of a nation. The history of education in Indonesia has evolved from the colonial era to the digital era. These developments have influenced government policies in every era. In the 21st century, the development of education in Indonesia is starting to show progress. This is because it is supported by the rapid growth of information and technology. This research article aims to analyze the educational policies carried out by the government from the colonial era to the digital era to be used as evaluation material at this time so that in the future education in Indonesia is even better. To achieve this goal, this research focuses on the question of how is the transformation of education in Indonesia from the colonial era to the digital era? and what is the paradigm of education in Indonesia when viewed from a historical perspective?. The research method used is the Literature Review method from 27 sources in journal articles, websites, and data reports for 2019-2021. The results of this study found that changes in the Indonesian education system from time to time have a positive influence on the progress of the Indonesian nation. The development of education in Indonesia also has an impact on increasing the Human Development Index (HDI). This shows that the quality of Indonesian society is increasing. Based on the results obtained, it is hoped that it can provide information about the transformation of education in Indonesia from the colonial era to the digital era from a historical perspective. This article is suitable as a reference source for education observers in Indonesia to know the history of education and its policies from the colonial era to the digital era and useful for academics to know the history of education in Indonesia. This research has limitations, namely this research is only limited to the development of education in Indonesia from the colonial era to the digital era and the paradigm of education development in Indonesia from a historical perspective.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  

This history piece analyzes colonial-era correspondence and botany publications fascinated with Cycas wadei, a cycad observed only to grow on the island of Culion in the province of Palawan. First spotted in 1902 by U.S. botanist Elmer D. Merrill, the cycad became the preoccupation of U.S. and Filipino scientists alike. It took nearly three and a half decades before the species was introduced in the Philippine Journal of Science in 1936 as C. wadei, named after Herbert W. Wade, head physician of the Culion leper colony established by the U.S. colonial government at the turn of the century. Tracking the history of this species—from its first sighting to its debut before the international botany community—reveals much about the institutional workings of colonial science in the Philippines in the years leading up to the Commonwealth era. It further inspires us to take stock of the ways in which the politics of Latin binomial nomenclature of a species can be historicized across scales of human and institutional interaction. Such an intellectual practice can help us continue to shed light on the history of taxonomy in the Philippines.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Kaminsky

This major research paper examines the way the Ontario immigrant settlement sector provides advocacy on behalf of newcomers. It sets out to answer three general questions: How does the sector interact with government? How does it maintain its role as advocate while under significant strain? Is the relationship between the state and the third sector underdoing change, and if so, what new opportunities for advocacy are arising? Through a comprehensive literature review and four key informant interviews, this paper discusses the history of the sector and three new developments, namely the Voluntary Sector Initiative, the Canada-Ontario Immigration Agreement and the formation of the Canadian Immigrant Settlement Sector Alliance. Recent developments indicate that the government and the third sector are beginning to work towards a system of shared governance where the third sector is a partner in policy research, development and implementation.


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