Take the Gift of My Child and Return Something to Me: On Children, Chagga Trust, and a New American Evangelical Orphanage on Mount Kilimanjaro

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Stambach ◽  
Aikande C. Kwayu

AbstractThis essay examines local and international Christian efforts on Mount Kilimanjaro to educate children. A prevailing idea among people who live on the mountain is that children engender trust and trade. This idea is illuminated through the adage ‘Take the gift of my child and return something to me’ and is embedded in the concept of Chagga trust. The latter is both an ethical mode and a social entity. Local ideas of children and trust partly overlap with but also differ from American evangelical missionaries’ views of children as needing to be safeguarded. Analysis of differences reveals that while religious missions have long played a role in providing education, the dynamics of privatization have changed the manner in which local leaders and international missionaries interact. Previous interactions were regular and routine; today’s are fewer, more contractual, and more formalized. The analysis presented here broadens and qualifies existing research that simply states that evangelicalism and the privatization of education helps the poor.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (25) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Ekaterina V. Kuznetsova ◽  

The fate and personality of Alexander Dobrolyubov gave rise to a kind of Dobrolyubov myth about the eternal wanderer in the culture of the Russian Silver Age and in many ways unfairly obscured his literary work. The article traces the influence of Francis of Assisi on Dobrolyubov's own life-creating strategy and his contemporaries' perception of him as a «Russian Francis. The author considers the peculiarities of artistic interpretation of the whole complex of motifs associated with the fate and personality of the Italian saint in the last collection of Dobrolyubov's works, From the Book Invisible (1905). The author analyzes the image of the pilgrim, glorification (preaching) of the poor, hermit’s life and the unity of man and wildlife, plants and the elements of nature in the context of teachings of St. Francis and the Russian franciscanism of the modernist era; the features of their modernist reception are traced in Dobrolyubov’s works written after his «departure». On the other hand, the author reveals evidence that the poet implements the individual author's interpretation of the characteristic Russian cultural and historical phenomenon of pilgrimage (real, metaphysical and spiritual), which was reflected, for example, in N. S. Leskov’s works, and philosophically interpreted in science and criticism of the early 20th century (V. Rozanov, N. Berdyaev, etc.). The author suggests that the poet was influenced by an anonymous work of Russian religious literature «A Pilgrim's Confessional Stories to his Spiritual Father». As a result, the author concludes that the poet creates a modern variation of the Franciscan image of the «simple man» and the divine man, possessing the gift of communication with nature, who combines the features of an Italian ascetic preacher with the type of a Russian pilgrim-god-seeker.


1973 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
ANGELO TARANTA
Keyword(s):  
The Poor ◽  
The Gift ◽  

Archaeologia ◽  
1903 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-358
Author(s):  
T. F. Kirby
Keyword(s):  
The Poor ◽  
The Gift ◽  
A Cell ◽  

The priory, church, and manor of Harmondsworth, near West Drayton, in Middlesex, with its subinfeudations of Padbury's, Barnard's, and Ludington's, belonged to the Benedictine convent of the Holy Trinity and St. Katherine at Rouen. Who gave them to that house I know not. Tanner merely says that the priory was a cell to the monastery at Rouen, and Dugdale is not more explicit. I see by the presentment of a Middlesex jury in Michaelmas Term, 44 Edward III., that Robert, then prior of Harmondsworth, held the church and two carucates of land by the gift of one (they do not say which) of the king's progenitors by the tenure of distributing weekly amongst the poor of the place three bushels of “wastyl” or best bread. The prior was indicted for that he had failed to distribute the bread during the last twenty years, and he pleaded, with what result does not appear, a charter of Privileges granted to the monks at Rouen by Henry II. and confirmed by Henry III. and Edward I.:Henricus Dei gracia Rex Anglie dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andigavie archiepiscopis, etc. Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse et presenti Carta confirmasse Abbati et Monachis Sancte Trinitatis sancteque Katherine de Monte Eothomagensi omnes donaciones elemosinarum terrarum et hominura, que facte sunt eis tarn in ecclesiis quam in rebus et possessionibus mundanis. Quare volumus et firmiter precipimus quod dicti Abbas et monachi et ministri eorum teneant et habeant omnes elemosinas et possessiones suos cum sacha et sacca et thol et theam et Infangeneþief cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consue tudinibus et quietanciis suis in bosco et piano et pratis et pasturis in mariscis et piscariis in vivariis et stagnis. In aquis et molendinis. In virgultis et grangiis extra burgum et infra. In viis et semitis et in omnibus aliis rebus et aliis locis quietas liberas et solutas. de Sirra. et de liundredo et placitis et querelis et de murdro et de wapentaoha et scutagio et geldis et danegeldis. et assisis. et hidagiis. et de operacionibus pontium. et Castellorum et de Lerwite et de Hengewite et fleamcameswite. et de Blodewite et de fithwite. et de auerpeny. et hundredespeny et de Wardepeny. et quietas de omni Pontagio thelonio et passagio et lestagio et stalagio et de omni servicio seculari et servili opere et exaccione et de omnibus occasionibus et secularibus consuetudinibue. excepta sola justicia mortis et membroruni.


2013 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Vosne Martins

Este artigo trata do processo de feminilização das ações de socorro, proteção e assistência aos pobres e a outras categorias de pessoas em situação de fragilidade, desamparo e abandono. A organização dos cuidados com os chamados desafortunados tem sido historicamente uma ação dispensada pelos poderosos, associada à sua capacidade de prover e de socorrer aqueles que batiam às suas portas pedindo abrigo temporário, víveres ou remédios para seus males, ou então aos religiosos, de quem se esperava a caridade para com os sofredores de toda espécie. Numa visão de mundo profundamente marcada pela religião cristã, o gênero não hierarquizava nem a dádiva, nem a caridade, associadas ao poder e ao prestígio das famílias e da religião, operando e adquirindo sentido no interior de uma lógica simbólica do sangue, das famílias e da esfera do sagrado. A bondade, portanto, adquiria sentido e significado numa ordem hierárquica mais estável e intimamente relacionada às capacidades distributivas do poder patriarcal e religioso. O gênero passou a desempenhar um papel importante nesta economia da dádiva quando os cuidados e o conjunto de ações e de significados a eles associados foram ressignificados por novos discursos na modernidade, fundados numa reorganização dos espaços, dos sujeitos, das práticas sociais e dos valores e comportamentos. Desde meados do século XVIII e especialmente a partir do século XIX, observa-se a configuração de espaços, de práticas e de sentimentos definidores de subjetividades consideradas femininas, associadas ao amplo terreno moral dos cuidados. Tal processo de generificação dos cuidados se articula ao afastamento e posterior exclusão das mulheres dos espaços públicos, processo este que se configura nas sociedades ocidentais modernas. As mulheres das elites e das classes médias passaram a ser associadas às virtudes regeneradoras da ordem moral e social e a uma concepção natural de bondade, altruísmo e dedicação aos necessitados, valores presentes tanto nas ações de motivação caritativa quanto na organização racionalizada da filantropia, na definição e implementação das políticas assistenciais e na organização das profissões femininas criadas a partir da experiência heterogênea dos cuidados.This article deals with the process of feminization of relief, protection and assistance actions to the poor and to other categories of people in situations of fragility, helplessness and abandonment. The organization of the care of the so called unfortunate has historically been an action given by the powerful, associated with their ability to provide and to assist those knocking at their doors asking for temporary shelter, food or medicines for their ailments, or by religious, from whom charity for sufferers of all kinds was expected. In a deeply marked by the Christian religion worldview, the gender did not prioritize gift nor charity, associated with the power and prestige of the families and religion, operating and acquiring sense within a symbolic logic of the blood, of the families and the sacred sphere. The goodness therefore acquired sense and meaning in a hierarchical order more stable and closely related to the distributive capabilities of patriarchal and religious power. The gender went on to play an important role in this economy of the gift when the care and the set of actions and of meanings associated with them were redefined by new discourses in modernity, founded on a reorganization of the spaces, subjects, social practices and values and behaviors. Since the mid-18th century and especially from the 19th century on there is a configuration of spaces, practices and subjectivities defining feelings considered feminine, associated with the broad moral field of care. Such gendering process of care articulates the removal and subsequent exclusion of women from public spaces, this process represented in modern Western societies. The elite and middle class women began to be associated with the regenerative virtues of moral and social order and with a natural conception of goodness, unselfishness and dedication to those in need, values present in the charitable motivation actions, in rationalized organization of philanthropy, in the definition and implementation of assistance policies and in the organization of professions for women created from the heterogeneous care experience.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Ana Claudia Lyra

Resumo: O artigo analisa a prática social da doação de terras como uma das baseshistóricas de formação dos atuais campos de poder econômico e político que estruturam o espaço físico, social e simbólico da cidade de Poço Fundo (MG). Com base em insights presentes no exame antropológico da dádiva realizado por Mauss, investigo a lógica sociossimbólica da doação de terras pelos fazendeiros e a dinâmica de subordinação política que tais doações põem em jogo na cidade, transformando os fazendeiros doadores em chefes locais. Como parte de um estudo histórico mais amplo da formação do espaço sociogeográfico de Poço Fundo, pretendo indicaro processo de “territorialização da dádiva” como um dos desdobramentos da sua “matrizterritorial”, isto é, da tradicional fazenda cafeeira, um modelo de organização sociossimbólicado território que prepondera até hoje nas formas pelas quais a cidade é social e culturalmente percebida, apropriada e vivenciada pelos seus habitantes.Palavras-chave: Dádiva; espaço geográfico e rural; poder político local; Poço Fundo; territorialização. Abstract: The article analyzes the social practice of land donation as one of thehistorical bases for the formation of the current fields of economic and political power thatstructure the physical, social and symbolic space of the city of Poço Fundo (MG). Based oninsights present in Mauss’ anthropological investigation of the gift, I examine the social-symboliclogic of land donations carried out by farmers and the dynamic of political subordination thatstems from such donations, transforming donor farmers into local leaders. As part of a largerhistorical study of the occupation and transformation of Poço Fundo’s social-geographic space,I intend to indicate the process of “territorialization of the gift” as one of the offsprings of its “territorial matrix”, that is, the traditional coffee plantation, a model of social-symbolical organization that prevails till today in the forms whereby the city is socially and culturallyperceived, appropriated and experienced by its inhabitants.Keywords Geographical and rural space; gift; local political power; Poço Fundo; territorialization.


2017 ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Máximo García Fernández

<p>Miseria, no reposición y escasez caracterizaban las pobres formas de vestir de enfermos de toda condición, ratificadas en el asiduo recurso al legado textil por<br />parte de campesinos y agremiados… aunque el regalo de trajes nuevos en el momento nupcial también informe sobre una tendencia al incremento de la demanda popular, cuando la evolución hacia una nueva estética mejor surtida cada vez parecía más generalizada. ¿Únicamente la riqueza definía los comportamientos vestimentarios? Los pobres ropajes de la vestidura popular diaria muestran la evolución de las<br />principales esferas de lo cotidiano, a partir de la cultura material, el consumo y la apariencia externa en clave social, tras la conversión del vestido en imagen de<br />civilización y ya no un mero objeto de uso. La comparación de los ajuares portados por los enfermos del Hospital de la Resurrección de Valladolid, además de las transmisiones hereditarias de ropas legadas a muchos beneficiarios cercanos, en contraste con los<br />rasgos del vestir masculino y femenino presentes en las grandes ciudades y en la Corte, ofrecen tanto la evolución de las enormes y generalizadas carencias populares como los deseos urbanos de lucimiento; otro símbolo de modernización a través del atavío externo<br />frente a una indigencia desharrapada. Sus cantidades, calidades y usos eran reconocibles como apariencia dominante en la Castilla del siglo XVIII.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Wretchedness and shortages characterized the poor forms of the dress of sick, ratified in the regular recourse to textile legacy. However, the gift of new clothes in the wedding time also report on an increasing trend popular demand, when the evolution towards a new aesthetic better stocked seemed increasingly widespread. The wealth defined the vestimentary behaviors? The poor robes of daily popular garment show the evolution of everyday life, from consumption and external appearance in social key, after conversion of the dress on important image of civilization. The grave goods carried by the patients of the Hospital<br />of the Resurrection of Valladolid, in addition to the hereditary transmission of many clothes, in contrast to the features of dress male and female present in cities and in the Court, offer both the evolution of massive and widespread popular urban shortcomings and wishes to show off. Another symbol of modernization as a dominant appearance in the Eighteenth Century Castile?</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Thaddaeus Lancton

In addition to the four marks of the Church, mercy has been emphasized since the pontificate of St. John Paul II as essential to the authentic fulfillment of the Church’s identity and mission. A Christological and pneumatological understanding of these marks of the Church leads to a proper grasp of the Church in relation to mercy. The Church is merciful not de facto because of her works of mercy on behalf of the poor or sinners. Rather, she is first the recipient of unprecedented Divine Mercy, poured forth in the gift of the Holy Spirit, and so shares that same Spirit of Mercy with others through her sacraments, preaching, and service. The Church’s mission of mercy thus extends beyond the myriad of manners to alleviate human misery. In union with Christ, her Bridegroom, the Church is to communicate the one gift of Divine Mercy, the Holy Spirit, to all.


2008 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Coakley

AbstractThe category of ‘gift’ has become one of the central constellating themes for discussion in recent post-modern theology. This paper (originally given as an address at the AAR meeting in Atlanta, November 2003) first sets out to explain how and why the theme has come to exercise such fascination since the original appearance of Marcel Mauss's anthropological monograph, The Gift, in 1924. It goes on to provide a critical comparison of the recent treatments of ‘gift’ in the systematic work of John Milbank and Kathryn Tanner. Arguing that questions of economic justice, inner-trinitarian relations and human gender hang together in Milbank's and Tanner's rather different approaches to ‘gift’, a critique of both authors is then essayed from this systematic perspective. Whilst Milbank's attempt to ‘ground’ the gender binary in the Trinity causes question-begging claims about gendered ‘difference’ in God, and a texture of seeming assent to economic inequalities, Tanner's obliteration of any sense of reciprocity or exchange within the divine economy veers in the opposite direction, seeking merely the suppression of difference. Returning finally to the New Testament, to the Cappadocian insistence on radical donation to the poor, and to Augustine's insistence that donum applies specifically to the Spirit, it is concluded that the patristic heritage presents a more demanding and subtle account of divine ‘gift’ and human response than is found in either of these contemporary authors, for all their insight and flair.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-179
Author(s):  
George F. Lau

While Marcel Mauss's landmark essay on The Gift has been vital in social anthropology, inspiring a vast and influential secondary literature, the gift has been much less prominent in archaeological interpretation. This study considers evidence for an ancient Andean gift economy, a system of reciprocal exchanges focused on making people and ensuring group social relations, rather than accumulating wealth/capital. Excavations at Yayno (north highlands, Ancash, Peru) revealed two features dating to the time of the Inkas: 1) a slab-lined cist burial; and 2) an offering deposit containing abundant long-distance trade and sumptuary items. Besides its mountaintop location, the burial's intrusive character and foreign items indicate that the offerings were made to propitiate the place, ruins and their divine aspect. This essay studies the reciprocal acts that led to the offerings, comparing them to gifting patterns in Inka human sacrifices known as capac hucha. The key actors in the exchange were children, divinities, Inka bureaucrats, local leaders and state subjects.


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