Return of the Natives: Explaining the Development and Non-Development of Political Action by Indigenous Peoples in Democratic Political Systems

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-480
Author(s):  
Lee E. Dutter

Studies of individuals or groups who might use violence or terrorism in pursuit of political goals often focus on the specific actions which these individuals or groups have taken and on the policies which defenders (that is, governments of states) against such actions may adopt in response. Typically, less attention is devoted to identifying the relevant preconditions of political action and possible escalation to violence and how or why potential actions may be obviated before they occur. In the context of democratic political systems, the present analysis addresses these issues via examination of indigenous peoples, who typically constitute tiny fractions of the population of the states or regions in which they reside, in terms of their past and present treatment by governments and the political actions, whether non-violent or violent, which individuals from these peoples have engaged or may engage. The specific peoples examined are Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders of Australia, Haudenosaunee of North America, Inuit of Canada, Maori of New Zealand, and Saami of Scandinavia.

2017 ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Nicolás Fleet

ResumenEste artículo desarrolla, en tres pasos, una perspectiva original de la teoría de la dominación de Max Weber. El primer paso establece un vínculo necesario entre las formas típicas de dominación política y los intereses sociales, de modo que toda acción política debe legitimarse ante el interés general. El segundo paso explica las crisis de legitimación como una respuesta a cambios de identidad en la base social de la dominación política, de tal forma que se introduce un concepto dinámico de legitimidad. El tercer paso establece que los valores que habitan en las formas legitimas de dominación política son usados como orientaciones simbólicas por parte de intereses sociales y acciones políticas particulares, de manera que toda forma de legitimación de la autoridad encierra, en sus propias premisas, los argumentos que justifican luchas políticas hacia la modificación de los esquemas de dominación.Palabras clave: legitimidad, dominación, acción política, democratización.Abstract This article develops, in three steps, an orignal perspective of Weber’s legitimacy theory. The first one, establishes a necessary link that exists between the typical forms of legitimate domination and the social interests, in such a way that every political action that purse the realization of its interests has to legitimate itself before the general will. The second explains the legitimation crises as a response to indentity changes at the social base of the political domination and, in so doing, it introduces a dinamic concept of legitimacy. The third step states that the values that dwell in legitimate forms of political domination are used as symbolic orientations by particular social intersts and political actions, in a way that each form of authority legitimation encapsulate, in its own premises, the arguments that justify political struggles aiming toward the modification of the domination schemes.Key words: legitimacy, domination, political action, democratization.


Antiquity ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 78 (300) ◽  
pp. 404-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurajane Smith

The editor’s question “who do human skeletons belong to?” (Antiquity 78: 5) can be answered positively, but it must be answered in context. The question was prompted by reports from the Working Group on Human Remains established by the British government’s Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) in 2001 to review the current legal status of human remains held in all publicly funded museums and galleries, and to consider and review submissions on the issue of the return of non-UK human remains to their descendent communities (DCMS 2003: 1-8). In effect, the report was primarily concerned with human remains from Indigenous communities, using a definition which follows the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as “distinct cultural groups having a historical continuity with pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories” (DCMS 2003:7). Consequently, the report deals primarily with the Indigenous communities of Australia, New Zealand and North America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgit Müller

This article reflects on the possibilities for political action emerging out of quotidian engagements. Following controversies on the patenting of seeds in Canada and globally within the Committee for Food Security I explore what gave the impulse for political resistance in these different arenas. How did collective action emerge and how did it sustain itself? Three political concepts are important for understanding the political actions that I observed: Eigen-Sinn, empathy and strategy. These allowed me to follow and theorize political engagements. I first reflect on the potential to resist as a capacity of all human beings, because they have Eigen-Sinn: the capacity to attribute their own meanings to things, and act in their own self-interested way according to the meaning given. Self-interested action can only become political, however, when humans go beyond their strictly individual interests and empathize with others (humans and nonhumans), what Adorno described as getting into ‘live contact with the warmth of things’. Finally, I discuss how collective action can become not only possible, but also effective, by building and defending a space for strategic action.


Author(s):  
Marcos Chinchilla Montes

Este artículo es parte de las reflexiones realizadas en el marco del proyecto de Investigación “Participación ciudadana y construcción de ciudadanía en la Península de Osa, Puntarenas”, adscrito a la Vicerrectoría de Investigación de la Universidad de Costa Rica. RESUMEN Conforme la problemática ambiental se agudiza, diferentes actores sociales y profesionales incorporan este tema dentro de sus objetos de acción política, de investigación, acción social y docencia. De modo que si bien en la actualidad, Costa Rica es ubicada entre las experiencias exitosas de conservación ambiental, la historia pasada y presente demuestra que tal afirmación es falaz, y que existe un abismo importante entre las acciones políticas del Estado, y la de los sectores sociales –por lo general populares– en cuanto al tema ambiental y a los esfuerzos de protección que impulsan. Este artículo explora dimensiones de participación social en la zona sur del país, otrora enclave bananero, que en la actualidad se debate entre un desarrollo que respete y aproveche los recursos naturales existentes, o que en su lugar los deprede, generando una integración socioeconómica que cambiaría de forma radical las expresiones culturales y sociales de sus habitantes. Palabras clave: Medio ambiente – Participación social – Costa Rica – Organizaciones – Desarrollo. O desenvolvimento em nossas maos RESUMO Conforme a problemática ambiental agudiza-se, diferentes atores sociais e profissionais incorporam esta temática dentro de seus objetos de ação política, de investigação, ação social e docência. De modo que na atualidade, Costa Rica é vista entre as experiências exitosas de conservação ambiental; a história passada e presente mostram que tal afirmação é falaz, e que existe um abismo importante entre as ações políticas do Estado e dos sectores sociais –geralmente populares- em quanto ao tema ambiental e aos esforços de proteção que impulsionam. Este artigo explora dimensões de participação social na região sul do país, outrora enclave bananeiro, que na atualidade debate-se entre um desenvolvimento que respeite e aproveite os recursos naturais existentes, ou que no seu lugar os deprede, gerando uma integração socioeconómica que mudaria de forma radical as expressões culturais e sociais de seus habitantes. Palavras chave: Médio ambiente - Participação social – Costa Rica – Organizações – Desenvolvimento.The Development in our Hands ABSTRACT As environmental issues increase, different social and professional actors incorporate this theme into their objects of political action, research, social work and teaching. Although Costa Rica is currently regarded as an example of successful environmental conservation stories, past and present history shows that this claim is false, and that there is a significant gap between the political actions of the State, and the social sectors-usually popular, in terms of the environmental issue and protection efforts they have both proposed. This article explores dimensions of social participation in the south of the country, a former banana enclave, which is currently being framed by a development that both respects and maximizes existing natural resources, or, in turn, it devastates them, creating a socio-economic integration that would radically change social and cultural expressions of its inhabitants. Keywords: Environment - Social Participation - Costa Rica - Organizations - Development


Author(s):  
Margo L. Greenwood ◽  
Regine Halseth ◽  
Nicole Lindsay ◽  
Hilary McGregor ◽  
Sarah de Leeuw ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 87 (4) ◽  
pp. 638-666 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Stevenson

During the late nineteenth century, the print culture associated with women’s suffrage exhibited increasingly transnational connections. Between the 1870s and 1890s, suffragists in the United States, and then Australia and New Zealand, celebrated the early enfranchisement of women in the U.S. West. After the enfranchisement of antipodean women at the turn of the twentieth century, American suffragists in turn gained inspiration from New Zealand and Australia. In the process, suffrage print culture focused on the political and social possibilities associated with the frontier landscapes that defined these regions. However, by envisioning such landscapes as engendering white women’s freedom, suffrage print culture conceptually excluded Indigenous peoples from its visions of enfranchisement. The imaginative connections fostered in transnational suffrage print culture further encouraged actual transpacific connections between the suffragists themselves.


Author(s):  
Cindy Horst ◽  
Odin Lysaker

AbstractThe radical uncertainty that refugees face because of war, flight and exile often dramatically shapes their participation in society. Violent conflict and human rights abuses are not just disproportionately experienced by, but can also create, political subjects. Such life events can transform the motivations, sense of responsibility and political actions of individuals with refugee backgrounds. In this article, we explore the links between civil–political engagement and the life stories of such individuals, analysing our empirical data through themes in the work of Hannah Arendt. We make three central points. First, we highlight the possibility of refugees as ‘vanguard’, playing a leading role in the struggle against dark times. Second, we illustrate the importance of expanding the idea of ‘the political’ through Arendt’s understanding of political action as narrative. And, third, we explore the political freedom and hope that stem from the possibility of ‘new beginnings’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Andika Hendra Mustaqim

This research explores the political communication by New Zealand Prime Minister JacindaArdern in the face of terror attacks of two mosques in Christchurch on March 15, 2019. The emphasis of research is empathy politics in a narrow framework and broader framework, namely the humanitarian framework. The study used the method of analyzing the content of speeches and Ardern statements and case studies with qualitative approaches and critical constructivist paradigms. The results of the study are Prime Minister JacindaArdern using various models and ways to show political communication in handling terror attacks against two mosques in Christchurch. The politics of tears is played as a form of empathy politics. Protection from minorities was also shown by Ardern. Hug is a form of political action to embrace. Ardern often gives greetings typical of Muslims.


1999 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Quentin-Baxter

This article is an edited version of one of the six papers presented to the International Law Association/International Commission of Jurists seminar on the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples which was held in Wellington on 23 August 1997. The author discusses the New Zealand Government policy towards the Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. She first identifies key issues of international law, explores the relationship between the Draft Declaration and the Treaty of Waitangi, and looks at some implications of both for the New Zealand legal system and our national society. In doing so, the author focuses on the political rights of indigenous peoples – particularly the principles underlying those rights, not the way they are expressed in the text. The author concludes that most, if not all, the significant changes in the international community and in the lives of nations have been brought about by acts of good faith. Accordingly, it is the author's belief that the end product is likely to be the strengthening of the national societies to which the indigenous peoples of the world belong. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan Mukandi ◽  
David Singh ◽  
Karla Brady ◽  
Jon Willis ◽  
Tanya Sinha ◽  
...  

There is a growing literature on Indigenous masculinities written by scholars in North America, Hawai‘i and New Zealand which draws on a variety of approaches. While there are signs of scholarly interest in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander masculinities in Australia, this has yet to translate into a distinct body of work. This article is a potential opening onto such a future corpus, foregrounding and privileging how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men understand themselves. Interviews with 13 men, ranging in age from young teenagers through to Elders—among whom were Traditional Owners, school pupils, university students, community workers, health professionals and retirees—yielded a conception of Indigenous masculinities not concerned with recovering a lost masculinity. Rather, what was presented to us is a distinct conception of Indigenous masculinities rooted in place; a relationality motivated by an intergenerational sense of responsibility; a nuanced idea of “acting hard.”


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