Hans Kelsen and Court-Ordered Apology in Taiwan: A Critical Analysis of Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 656 [2009]

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-297
Author(s):  
David KC Huang ◽  
Nigel NT Li

Abstract The rule of ‘Li’ (De-Zhi), which embraces the spirit that morality and law are one, historically underpinned China’s legal institution. Even though it is no longer recognised in Taiwan’s legal institutions, it still influenced judges when they had to decide whether a court-ordered apology should be constitutional. A critical analysis of Judicial Yuan Interpretation No. 656 [2009] through the lens of Hans Kelsen’s pure theory lays bare the quandary facing the judiciary in a Confucian society, that whilst the judiciary appreciated the merits of the rule of law, it hesitated to tell the people that morality is not law.

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelik Wardiono ◽  
Khudzaifah Dimyati

Based on the philosophical approach, it is known basic assumptions of rational paradigm as seen in Hans Kelsen's pure theory of law that consists of: human assumptions based on the quasi-transcendental along with its characters and aurea aetas; ontological assumptions based on empirical reality and equating sein reality with sollen, and normativity created as logico transcendental conditions; epistemological assumption that underlying the science of law as cognitive science, creating the rule of law as a whole object, and reconstructing legal norm as the relation between non-causal and non-metaphysical facts; axiological assumption that reconstructs norm as the object of legal science and equating the basic norms with natural laws.Key words: basic assumptions, rational paradigm, the theory pure of law, jurisprudance.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 528-553 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanoch Dagan ◽  
Roy Kreitner

New legal realism (NLR) furthers the legal realist legacy by focusing attention on both the pertinent social science and the craft that typifies legal discourse and legal institutions. NLR's globalized ambitions also highlight the potential of a nonstatist view of law. The realist view of law raises three challenges facing NLR: identifying the “lingua franca” of law as an academic discipline within which NLR insights on translation and synthesis should be situated; conceptualizing NLR's focus on bottom-up investigation, so that it does not defy the rule of law; and recognizing the normative underpinning for NLR's reformist impulse.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Moh Hudi

The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending  on   The  Rule  of   Law  in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential   System   as  Head  of  Government  and   Head  of   State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 408-419
Author(s):  
Ikhsan Fatah Yasin

Abstract: This article discusses the analysis of the prohibition of analogy in the Draft Bill. The majority of the experts of jurisprudence against analogy. The author does not agree with the ban on using the analogy in the Draft Bill, but justifies the analogy with the record, the judge must be competent and with integrity. If the judge is unable to make analogy, then he could use self-interpretation to find a legal decition. The argument of usage of analogy is to seek substantial justice for the people without setting aside the individual’s rights, because by using the analogy, the rule of law will remain unfulfilled. It is because the crime, in its various forms, is still contrary to morality even though it is not written, and even if the crime has an impact to the public. In Islamic law, the method of qiyâs compiled by Imam Shafi’i in may be used as a good analogy, because qiyâs method has been tested by producing many laws.Keywords: Analogy, draft bill, the criminal code. Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tentang analisis terhadap larangan analogi dalam RUU KUHP. Mayoritas para ahli ilmu hukum menentang analogi. Penulis tidak sepakat dengan larangan menggunakan analogi dalam RUU KUHP, tetapi membenarkan analogi dengan catatan, hakimnya harus kompeten dan berintegritas. Jika hakimnya memang tidak mampu untuk beranalogi, maka ia masih bisa menggunakan interpretasi untuk menemukan hukumnya.   Argumen diperbolehkannya analogi adalah untuk mencari keadilan substansial bagi masyarakat tanpa menyampingkan perlindungan individu, sebab dengan menggunakan analogi kepastian hukum akan tetap terpenuhi. Karena kejahatan, dalam berbagai bentuknya, tetap saja bertentangan dengan kesusilaan meskipun ia tidak tertulis, apalagi jika kejahatan tersebut membawa pengaruh kepada masyarakat luas. Dalam hukum Islam, metode qiyâs yang disusun oleh Imam Syafi’i dalam berijtihad mungkin dapat digunakan sebagai proses analogi yang baik, sebab metode qiyâs ini sudah teruji dengan memproduksi banyak hukum. Kata Kunci: Analogi, Rancangan Perundang-undangan, KUHP.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-232
Author(s):  
O.O. Thompson ◽  
A.S. Afolabi ◽  
A.N. Raheem ◽  
C.A. Onifade

Corruption is a global phenomenon. Many states have embarked on several crusades to fight the menace, with little to show for these efforts. Using a critical analysis ofliterature, media reports and press releases, this articleassesses the anti-corruption crusade of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, 2015-2019. The article argues that in spite of the strategies and panoply of laws employed by the administration to tackle the menace, the crusade has to a large extent failed because the crusade is waged along ethnic and particularly party lines. The article recommends among other things the need for transparency in the crusade, building institutions, revival of social norms, political will, and respect of the rule of law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-168
Author(s):  
Isaac O. C. Igwe

Although brutality can repress a society, it never assures the sustainability of that conquest. Tyranny steers the hopeless to despair, edges to rebellion, and could open the door for a new tyrant to rise. Law becomes a limiting factor that must act as a stopgap to the avaricious intentions of a dictator. A democratic leader must incorporate the supremacy of the law and honest officials into his government. He shall also create courts of law, treat the poorest citizens with fairness and build a hall of justice to bring the society to modernity with the operation of the rule of law enshrined in the constitution. Legislation is nothing without enforcement and Law is no law if not accepted and respected by the people. The rule of law cannot be said to be working in a country where the government continues to violate the orders of the court, unlawfully detain its citizens, abuse human rights including arbitrary and extra-judicial executions, unlawful arrests and detentions, embargo on freedom of speech and press, impunity and inhumane torture, degradation of people or exterminations. This treatise will argue on the supremacy of the “Rule of Law” as it impacts Nigerian democracy. Keywords: Rule of Law; Democracy; Judiciary; Supremacy; Government; Tyranny; Nigerian Constitution


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Ocko ◽  
David Gilmartin

This paper uses the concept of the “rule of law” to compare Qing China and British India. Rather than using the rule of law instrumentally, the paper embeds it in the histories of state power and sovereignty in China and India. Three themes, all framed by the rule of law and the rule of man as oppositional yet paradoxically intertwined notions, organize the paper's comparisons: the role of a discourse of law in simultaneously legitimizing and constraining the political authority of the state; the role of law and legal procedures in shaping and defining society; and the role of law in defining an economic and social order based on contract, property, and rights. A fourth section considers the implications of these findings for the historical trajectories of China and India in the twentieth century. Taking law as an instrument of power and an imagined realm that nonetheless also transcended power and operated outside its ambit, the paper seeks to broaden the history of the “rule of law” beyond Euro-America.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document